CNI News

May 9, 2026

In the current landscape of Myanmar, a decisive military victory for any single side is no longer possible. Therefore, if both sides negotiate and implement a federal system within a defined timeframe, peace can be achieved quickly, said Dr. Kyaw Swe, a Pyithu Hluttaw representative from the National Unity Party (NUP), in an interview with CNI News.

He stated, "To put it simply, in this current period of warfare, a total victory by one side will never happen again. The government will not be able to completely defeat any armed organization. In this situation, if both sides negotiate—specifically, how much percentage of the federal data and demands the government can concede—peace can be achieved. For example, if you ask for 100%, the government starts by giving 10%. The other side accepts that 10% to start, then demands 20%, then works to get 30%. If we establish a time duration or frame to reach 50% or 100% eventually, Myanmar will find peace quickly. That is what I believe."

The Myanmar Tatmadaw regaining control of towns on the border of Sagaing Region and Kachin State.

According to the landscape of the past five years in Myanmar, Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and revolutionary forces have grown stronger and have seized extensive territories. Military and political analysts point out that EAOs have actively led and fought in these military operations.

Analysts further assess that both the military and the armed groups are currently heading toward a military stalemate, where it is difficult for either side to achieve a final, decisive blow. 

While armed groups have been able to capture territories, the military maintains control over major cities through defensive positions and is fighting to reclaim lost areas.

A political analyst told CNI News that if ethnic groups achieve liberation for their respective regions and peoples, they are satisfied; understanding this dynamic allows one to predict the political outlook.

He explained, "On a nationwide scale, the organizations that have the mindset of completely toppling the military to take power across the whole country are typically large Bamar-majority political organizations—for example, groups like the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), U Nu’s government-in-exile, or the current NUG. These large groups have the vision of defeating the military nationwide to seize power and establish a democratic Myanmar."

Members of the BPLA (Bamar People's Liberation Army) seen

"As for the ethnic groups, although they have championed goals of organizing PDFs and cooperating with various revolutionary forces, in practice, their backer, China, does not encourage that. They themselves have limitations regarding population and resources. Once they gain control over their own territories, they are no longer as active. If they are forced to lead the charge further, internal rifts occur. For instance, when the Kokang and Wa seized power from the CPB, the Wa said, 'How long will it take for the whole of Burma to be liberated? Do we Wa have to sacrifice many more lives for such a long war?' That is a practical question. So, they decided they no longer needed the CPB, staged a coup, and drove them out. My point is, ethnic groups are satisfied once their region and people are liberated. If you understand this, you can gauge the political prospects."

Military and political analysts assess that, rather than major military shifts, political negotiations or the mediation of major powers will likely play the decisive role in the current situation.

Currently, the transitional government led by President U Min Aung Hlaing has invited armed groups to engage in peace talks by a deadline of July 31, 2026.

CNI Interview

May 8, 2026

Following the military’s removal of the NLD government and takeover on February 1, 2021, Myanmar has seen nationwide protests and armed resistance, leading to ongoing clashes in most regions and states. 

Amidst this, the military held the 2025 General Election and formed a government. On April 21, 2026, they issued an invitation to armed organizations to engage in peace talks by a deadline of July 31.

CNI News contacted Comrade Sunny, General Secretary of the ABSDF—an organization that signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) but is currently in active combat against the military—to discuss these developments.

CNI: We’ve heard that NCA signatory groups are being invited. What is the ABSDF’s current status regarding this?

Comrade Sunny:  We have heard the reports about an invitation to peace talks. However, we haven’t received anything official yet. Even if they do approach us, we have no intention of accepting right now, given the current situation of the country.

CNI: What kind of landscape or conditions would make you consider accepting peace or dialogue?

Comrade Sunny: There is a lot to discuss there, but for now, let’s just say there isn’t one. A dialogue will only be successful if the landscape is one that we can all accept. Since that environment doesn't exist yet, I don't have much more to say on the matter.

CNI: What is your view on this invitation?

Comrade Sunny: It’s not working. An invitation like this isn't enough. Furthermore, this isn't something that should only happen because Naypyidaw calls for it. This is a national issue that must be resolved. We will continue our own actions according to our own methods and plans.

A troop of ABSDF seen

CNI: Do you feel this invitation is condescending?

Comrade Sunny: Exactly. You can’t invite people like this. There needs to be genuine political will. They need to show practical action. There must be true goodwill toward the people and the country. For an invitation to be effective, the actions on the ground must support it. In the current climate, no organization can accept this kind of invitation. Speaking for the ABSDF, we are in no position to accept.

CNI: What are the main requirements for a landscape that everyone can accept?

Comrade Sunny:  Everyone knows the answer to that; there’s no need for specifics. All stakeholders and the public know what an acceptable landscape looks like. It involves the desire for peace, national unity, and what must be done to build a future Federal Democratic Union. Without doing those things, these invitations to talks are futile.

CNI: Are you concerned about pressure from neighboring countries on Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) in this current setting?

Comrade Sunny:  Neighboring countries may seek negotiations or exert pressure based on their own national interests. While we can view those negotiations as "pressure," their interests could also become an advantage for us. We need to think about how to turn those situations into opportunities rather than just seeing them as pressure.

CNI: The invitation has a "100-day" deadline. What are your thoughts on that?

Comrade Sunny:  That "100 days" is just their own talk. You can't build a country in 100 days. It took many years to destroy it. Reforms toward peace and nation-building under a civilian-led government were destroyed by five years of military rule after the coup. How can you fix that in 100 days? National unity has collapsed, trust is gone, and the lives and property of the people have been destroyed.

If there were real political will, they wouldn't use threats or challenges like "come to talks within 100 days or else." You can't change the country with that kind of arrogance. They know what needs to be done but are acting provocatively. The military group is just one entity; they can no longer act as the sole center of power. Rebuilding the country requires a framework where all forces can participate. If they only think of themselves as the center, the prospects for nation-building are not good.

During A Youth Peace Forum

CNI: We’ve noticed that in speeches from Naypyidaw, they often ask for "what is possible and appropriate," yet they never officially define what that means. Your view?

Comrade Sunny:  What is "possible and appropriate" is very clear and simple.

Acknowledge the goal of a Federal Democratic Union. This requires political dialogue.

Abolish the 2008 Constitution. We need a new constitution that all stakeholders can accept and live under together.

The military must exit politics. It must become a military that operates under civilian rule.

It is not right for them to say "don't ask for the impossible" while they themselves refuse to accept these basic requirements. All our forces have a shared goal and a common standing for a future Federal Democratic Union. We are talking about building a Union where all ethnic groups coexist with equality, justice, mutual recognition, and respect.

Naypyidaw cannot say "this is the country I will build." They must participate only as one of the stakeholders. We need to prepare a new constitution and ensure civilian supremacy. Only then can we build a sustainable Union.

CNI: You mentioned a new constitution and the military exiting politics. These are things that usually require negotiation. How should we bring about that dialogue?

Comrade Sunny:  Every group knows how to make dialogue happen. For meaningful and equal political dialogue, all stakeholders—especially the military group—must do what is necessary. They must completely stop targeting civilians. They know the attitude required for real dialogue, but acting with such arrogance and condescension makes it difficult for anyone to participate comfortably.

Any group that joins under these conditions would only be doing so temporarily. Long-term peace and a sustainable Union aren't possible under these circumstances yet. I’m not saying it's impossible forever, but it's not possible right now. All forces are trying various methods to make it possible. Currently, the country is failing politically, economically, and socially. The military’s hostility is destroying the nation. They need to stop. If they show true political will and turn toward the people, we might consider it.

During an anniversary celebration of the NCA

CNI: Regarding the 100-day invitation, they seem to categorize three groups, including yours, as still being within the NCA. What is your stance?

Comrade Sunny:  The situation has already moved past the NCA. The political landscape of the NCA era is vastly different from the landscape today. It is no longer practical to move forward based solely on the NCA.

New revolutionary forces, political groups, and many "state actors" have emerged. When you look at the whole picture, the NCA framework is too small. We need to consider a much broader, more inclusive framework. Therefore, if they try to pull us back into the NCA box, we have no plans to join, and it simply isn't possible for other forces to participate in that either.

CNI: What are your group's current activities?

Comrade Sunny:  We are fighting alongside other forces in both political and military arenas. As an organization, we are continuing our struggle through various methods. We are collaborating with all forces working toward the end of the military dictatorship.

CNI: Do you assess that the military situation might become more intense?

Comrade Sunny: It is likely to intensify. The more oppression there is, the greater the response. As pressure builds, military activity will rise. This landscape is a direct result of the military group's hostility.

CNI News

May 7, 2026

President U Min Aung Hlaing stated that since the public cast their votes of their own volition and supported the election, democratic nations need to value those who came to vote by their own choice.

He made these remarks during a Union Government meeting held on May 6, 2026.

The President described the current administration as an elected government formed by people's representatives who were chosen through the free will of the public in a free and fair multi-party democratic general election.

He said, “It was observed that citizens participated actively and shared their votes in an orderly manner at polling stations. The majority of voters were between the ages of 18 and 50, and they voted of their own accord. Seeing them queue systematically to vote demonstrates the public's support for the election and their endorsement of the government's political actions.”

The 2025 general election in Myanmar was held in three phases from December 28, 2025, to January 25, 2026.

Out of 24.23 million eligible voters nationwide, over 13.13 million people cast their ballots, resulting in a voter turnout of 54.22%.

President U Min Aung Hlaing noted that 57 political parties contested the election, with six parties competing in all regions and states. Representatives from 31 parties and one independent candidate were elected. He stated that achieving this was a testament to holding an inclusive election in accordance with democracy.

He further added, “Some countries continue to impose restrictions and economic sanctions to pressure our government, which is performing its duties according to democratic methods chosen by the people. Democratic nations need to value those who came to vote through democratic means of their own will. Regardless of the circumstances, we will continue to work toward strengthening the multi-party democratic system and building a Union based on democracy and federalism. We will also implement changes consistent with a democratic system.”

The President concluded that the election was held successfully as a free, fair, and dignified process, free from voting fraud or list errors.

Following the completion of the election, the current government led by President U Min Aung Hlaing received congratulatory messages and endorsements from countries including China, Russia, and Belarus, as well as from domestic armed organizations, social organizations, and business associations.

CNI News

May 7, 2026

Military and political observers are closely monitoring whether the "Three Northern Alliance"—comprising the MNDAA, TNLA, and AA—will move toward peace due to pressure from China amid the political and military landscape under the government led by President U Min Aung Hlaing.

On April 20-21, 2026, President U Min Aung Hlaing issued an invitation to both signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and non-signatory groups to engage in peace talks by a deadline of July 31. This invitation also extended to groups like the KNU, CNF, and ABSDF, who have not met with the government for five years despite being NCA signatories.

Currently, China is mediating to stop the fighting between the Myanmar military and the Three Northern Alliance in northern Shan State. Additionally, China is reportedly pressuring the alliance to return control of towns along the Myanmar-China trade routes to the Myanmar military.

Political analyst Dr. Aung Myo told CNI News that for the MNDAA, AA, and TNLA to enter the peace process, the government must apply military pressure; otherwise, progress is unlikely.

"It’s not very likely (that they will join the peace process) unless there is military pressure from this side. Without it, they will just drag their feet, making various excuses to avoid the peace path. The state needs to achieve significant military success. The AA now controls the coastline. There are those, including Western powers and Singapore, who do not want China to have this global shortcut. Therefore, we cannot say they will obey everything China says. Similarly, due to religious backgrounds and natural resources, if China doesn't take KIA's resources, India will. So, they won't follow China's word entirely without military pressure," he said.

Representatives from China, the Myanmar military, and the MNDAA.

Currently, the KIA is providing weapons, ammunition, military training, and sanctuary to Spring Revolution forces, while also supporting joint operations in Sagaing Region and Kachin State. Dr. Aung Myo further noted that while China pressures ethnic armed groups, China itself faces counter-pressure from the KIA.

"China has influence, but it also faces pressure from the KIA because the KIA possesses resources China wants. Historically, the KIA has never been subservient to China. Being a Baptist Christian-based organization, their ideology is worlds apart from the atheistic Communists; they only cooperate based on linked interests. The same applies to the AA. Since the AA does not share a border with China, China's influence over them is limited. China will have to rely primarily on the MNDAA," he added.

Military and political analysts point out that the KIA is playing a strategic game between Western nations and China. If Western influence grows, China may no longer be able to control the KIA, as the group does not intend to be blindly obedient.

Dr. Kyaw Swe, a former Pyithu Hluttaw representative from the National Unity Party (NUP), told CNI News that while the northern groups might eventually come to the table, it would be extremely difficult for the AA to do so.

Leaders of the Three Northern Alliance.

"We believe the three northern allies will arrive at the peace table. China desperately needs the trade routes in Myanmar to open for Yunnan Province's supply chain. Because of this urgent need, China is indeed pressuring the armed groups obstructing these routes. Since this pressure is effective, we believe they will show up. However, the AA has now reached its home base in Rakhine State. In reality, the AA is like an 'adopted son' of the KIA. If the KIA's supply lines remain open, the AA won't rely on China. Furthermore, the AA is opening communication lines along the Bangladesh border and looking toward the West, not China. Thus, it will be very difficult for the AA to participate in peace negotiations," he said.

In Rakhine State, intense battles for control of towns between the AA and the military have lasted over two years since November 2023. The AA currently controls 14 townships, while the military maintains control over Sittwe, Manaung, and Kyaukphyu.

Analysts emphasize that the peace process will remain ineffective as long as the root causes of the conflict—such as political convictions, historical backgrounds, and ideological disputes—are not addressed. Currently, the Myanmar military is holding separate individual discussions with each of the three northern alliance members (MNDAA, AA, and TNLA).

CNI News

May 7, 2026

Comrade Sunny, the General Secretary of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), told CNI News that there are currently no plans to accept the invitation for peace and dialogue within a 100-day timeframe.

It is reported that the transition government has invited the Karen National Union (KNU), Chin National Front (CNF), and the ABSDF to join the peace process, in addition to the seven groups that have already signed the NCA and are currently participating in the peace dialogue.

However, Comrade Sunny stated that there has been no official communication regarding peace or dialogue sent directly to their organization, and that such a mere invitation is insufficient.

"We have heard voices calling for peace, but nothing has been said officially. Even if they do reach out, we have no intention of accepting at this moment. Given the current situation of the country today, there is much to discuss. For now, let me just say we have no plans to accept. For things to work out, there must be a framework that is acceptable to all of us. Since such a framework does not yet exist, I have nothing further to say on this matter. It is not working yet. This kind of invitation alone won't suffice. Furthermore, this isn't just a matter of waiting for an invitation from Naypyidaw. This is a national issue that must be resolved. It shouldn't depend on an invitation from Naypyidaw; we will continue to carry out our activities according to our own methods," he said.

President U Min Aung Hlaing.

The government led by President U Min Aung Hlaing has included peace and dialogue processes in its 100-day plan, extending invitations to armed groups. This 100-day period—from April 20 to July 31—invites all Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), both signatories and non-signatories of the NCA, to meet for peace talks.

The President stated that he invites those who have not yet engaged in dialogue to do so by July 31 at the latest, expressing a desire for peace and noting that development is impossible without national stability. He specifically mentioned inviting the KNU, CNF, and ABSDF, who have not met with the government for five years despite being NCA signatories.

Comrade Sunny emphasized that invitations for peace and dialogue must be sincere and backed by practical action.

A previous session of peace negotiations.

"You cannot just invite like this. There needs to be genuine political will and practical action. There must be a sincere intent toward the people and the country. While the invitation needs to be sincere, the actions on the ground must also support that invitation. Under current conditions, no organization is in a position to accept such an invitation. Speaking for our organization, given the current situation, we are not in a position to accept," he said.

The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was signed on October 15, 2015, by the KNU, RCSS, KNU/KNLA-PC, DKBA, ALP, ABSDF, CNF, and PNLO. On February 13, 2018, the NMSP and LDU also signed.

Currently, the KNU, CNF, and ABSDF have effectively moved away from the NCA and are engaged in active combat with the Myanmar military. Meanwhile, groups like the ALP, PNLO, LDU, and NMSP have experienced internal splits.

Questions remain regarding which peace track will be used for other major groups, including the KIA, SSPP, UWSA, KNPP, NDAA, AA, TNLA, MNDAA, SNA, NSCN, and the various new armed groups that emerged after February 1, 2021.

CNI News

May 7, 2026

Residents and political analysts are pointing out the urgent need to prevent Chinese entrepreneurs from conducting mining operations in Namtu, Northern Shan State—the location of the world-famous Bawdwin Mines.

The town of Namtu is currently controlled by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA).

Political analyst U Kun Gawn Awng Kham told CNI News that large-scale mining by Chinese entrepreneurs could lead to conflicts between local ethnic armed groups, and may result in poverty and environmental degradation for the local population.

"The environment will be destroyed. Furthermore, as technology advances, local people will no longer have the right to work there. The Chinese will operate on a massive scale using advanced technology, leaving the locals in poverty. These large-scale operations will inevitably damage the environment. Another point is that it will lead to future conflicts among the Palaung, Kachin, and Shan groups in that region. These consequences are unavoidable. Additionally, we are dissatisfied that the people operating here are not Shan State citizens. We are only watching because we are powerless to stop it," he said.

Views of the Namtu Bawdwin Mines.

Currently, Chinese entrepreneurs are reportedly transporting hundreds of truckloads of slag (ore waste) daily into China to re-extract minerals. While this process began last year, operations have intensified recently.

Lead, zinc, mineral waste, and slag produced from Namtu are being transported to China via the Namtu–Mansam–Lashio–Theinni–Chinshwehaw route, which is currently controlled by the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).

This heavy transportation has damaged the roads, creating travel difficulties for locals and hindering regional development.

U Tin Maung Thein, a local resident of Northern Shan State, told CNI News that Chinese entrepreneurs are taking this waste and slag to China to extract minerals using high-level technology.

Views of the Namtu Bawdwin Mines.

"It’s all Chinese in Namtu. There are still many minerals left there. Also, because past technology was outdated, they couldn't extract everything from the waste piles left behind over many years. They are now transporting those piles to extract minerals inside China. There is so much of this work going on. For instance, uranium has been produced in Myanmar for a long time, and there are rare earth elements too. There is still a lot left," he said.

There have already been disputes between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the TNLA regarding the world-famous Bawdwin Mines and mineral extraction in Namtu. Consequently, the Namtu area and the Namtu–Manton road frequently see territorial disputes between the KIA and TNLA, and tensions with the MNDAA are also common.

Currently, Chinese entrepreneurs are also mining rare earth minerals in areas controlled by the NDAA and UWSA in Shan State, as well as in KIA-controlled areas within Kachin State.

CNI News

May 6, 2026

Naypyidaw has announced that the Myanmar military has successfully regained control over the Mandalay-Indaw-Myitkyina route, allowing the communication link to be reopened on May 6.

Currently, the Myanmar military has secured full control and reopened the entire communication route spanning Mandalay, Madaya, Singu, Thabeikkyin, Tagaung, Tigyaing, Katha, Indaw, Mawluu, Nantsi Aung, Mohnyin, Mogaung, and Myitkyina.

The reopening of this route will foster the revitalization and development of the socio-economic lives of local ethnic populations, according to the statement from Naypyidaw.

The route connecting Mandalay to Myitkyina is fundamental to the development of northern Myanmar. With this route now accessible, the flow of goods for the public will become faster and easier, and travel times will be significantly reduced.

It is reported that the military operations to regain control over the Mandalay-Madaya-Singu-Thabeikkyin-Tagaung-Tigyaing-Katha-Indaw-Mawluu-Nantsi Aung-Mohnyin-Mogaung-Myitkyina communication route spanned over a period of one year and three months.

During the operational period, a total of 322 major and minor clashes occurred with revolutionary forces, resulting in the seizure of ammunition, related military equipment, and 332 assorted weapons, according to the official release.

CNI News

May 6, 2026

Dr. Kyaw Swe, a Pyithu Hluttaw representative from the Unity and Development Party (UDP), told CNI News that the 2008 Constitution does not contain explicit provisions for ceding parts of Myanmar's territory, nor is it permissible to separate and hand over parts of the country.

"There are no specific provisions in our Constitution regarding the granting of territories. To speak of a 'confederation' level—strictly speaking, true confederations don't really exist in the world anymore. The entire European Union is essentially a confederate structure, yet each country operates as a distinct sovereign entity. We cannot separate and give away parts of Myanmar's territory in that manner. A confederate status simply cannot be granted. We must pursue Federalism through the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement) process by incorporating common agreements accepted by all ethnic groups into the current Constitution. If an agreement doesn't align with the Constitution, then the Constitution should be amended; if the Constitution cannot be amended immediately, then the peace agreement must be adjusted to complete the first step. The Union Accord already contains over 40 points. If these 40 points are brought under the framework of the Constitution, one could say the Myanmar Constitution has taken a massive step toward a federal structure," he said.

The 2008 Constitution does not explicitly state that the power to grant territory exists regarding boundary demarcation. In Chapter (2), "State Structure," the nation is divided into seven Regions, seven States, and Union Territories.

A map of Myanmar.

According to the law, if a need arises to redefine the boundaries of a Region or State, the consensus of the eligible voters residing within the affected township must first be sought. If more than half do not support the change, no further action can be taken.

If more than half support it, the consent of the representatives of the relevant Region or State Hluttaw must be obtained. If three-quarters or more support it, the approval of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Parliament) must be sought, after which the President shall redefine the relevant boundary.

Furthermore, if the national boundary needs to be redefined, the President must first notify the Head of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw to seek the Union Parliament's opinion. Upon receiving this notice, the Head of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw must obtain support from more than half of the representatives from the relevant Region/State Hluttaw, the Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities), and the representatives of the specific Region or State involved within those two houses.

If the representatives of these respective houses decide against the change, the matter must be decided by the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. If three-quarters or more of the total Union Parliament representatives support the change, it is presented to the President for the necessary boundary redefinition.

Among the current ethnic armed groups in Myanmar, some are considering political statuses beyond Federalism, desiring a level no lower than a "Confederation."

 Leaders of three ethnic armed organizations.

Political analyst Dr. M. Kawn La told CNI News that because every ethnic group in Myanmar differs in culture, economy, and population, there are various methods for the Union to designate administrative territories.

"It is a broad issue. It mainly concerns self-determination, federalism, and self-autonomy. Self-autonomy and self-determination may seem similar, but they are different. We need to look at the population and demographics of each ethnic group, as well as their economic capabilities and, importantly, their cultural background—whether they have a substantial distinct cultural society. There are specific ways the Union can grant these statuses. First is the 'self-autonomous state.' For example, in the Philippines, there is the Bangsamoro Muslim autonomous region created during President Duterte's term. In our neighbor India, there are eight North-Eastern states. In these cases, sovereignty and decision-making power—autonomy—have specific limits. We still need to negotiate many of these details. Below the self-autonomous state is the self-autonomous region. A region is not as extensive as a state, often because the demographic of the ethnic group is smaller," he said.

Under the 2008 Constitution, Myanmar has one Self-Administered Division and five Self-Administered Zones, totaling six. The "Wa" region is the Self-Administered Division.

The Self-Administered Zones are: Kokang: Comprising Konkyan and Laukkai townships in Shan State. Palaung: Comprising Namhsan and Manton townships in Shan State. Danu: Comprising Ywangan and Pindaya townships in Shan State. Pa-O: Comprising Hopong, Hsiseng, and Pinlaung townships in Shan State. Naga: Comprising Lahe, Leshi, and Nanyun townships in Sagaing Region.

CNI News

May 6, 2026

Economic and political analysts are pointing out that the transitional government's announcement to increase taxes—instead of reducing them—while attempting to revitalize a socio-economy declining from political and military crises, will further harm the general public.

The new government’s Ministry of Finance and Revenue announced a tax hike on a total of 150 types of goods, including both imports and exports, effective from May 1.

The revised customs duties include an increase from 5% to 15% on fish and fishery products, from 15% to 20% on snacks and food products, from 5% to 10% on motorcycle tires and tubes, and from 3% to 5% on milk and dairy products.

Economic analyst U Thet Zaw told CNI News that these increased customs rates will cause domestic commodity prices to rise further, impacting consumers more than exporters and importers.

Various food products.

"This shouldn't be happening. They revised taxes to collect more on 150 types of goods starting May 1. This includes food, consumer goods, and general merchandise. Without a solid fundamental base on our side, they are just amending laws to tax more. Ultimately, consumers have to buy what they need to eat, regardless of whether they can afford it or not. Those tax hikes don't fall on the businessmen; they fall on the people. In the end, it reaches the consumer. I want them to understand this. I want to ask why they are placing such a burden on the public," he said.

Currently, restrictions and tightening of imports and exports are already causing high commodity prices and goods shortages within the country.

Political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News that successive governments have relied on taxing imports, exports, food, and consumer goods, and further increases only make life more difficult for the people. He suggested that the tax system needs to be implemented precisely, targeting areas where taxes are currently low or being evaded, rather than hurting the public.

The Myawaddy Trade Zone.

"They are just increasing taxes where they are already being collected; successive governments have done the same. They should actually be expanding the tax base. There are many areas where taxes are missing. Whether they can't collect those missing taxes effectively or choose not to, there could be various reasons. It feels like they are just putting pressure on the places where it's easy to collect. In Myanmar, the price of a junk car reaches unheard-of levels globally because of taxes. A government must manage the distribution of wealth precisely and correctly," he said.

According to the statement from the Ministry of Finance and Revenue, the customs duties were increased to ensure the long-term sustainability of domestic industrial manufacturing and to protect local agricultural producers.