CNI News

28 December 2025

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of the Yangon Watch group, told CNI News that despite the existence of child protection laws in Myanmar, children are being exploited and forced into labor due to the negligence of the authorities.

Common practices include renting toddlers for a day and drugging them with sleeping pills mixed in milk to use them for begging, parents themselves forcing their children to beg, and organized gangs coordinating groups of children for begging activities.

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin stated that authorities should thoroughly investigate the children currently begging on the streets. She emphasized that the Department of Social Welfare and the General Administration Department (GAD) are responsible for taking action against child abuse.

She explained: "In reality, even if a parliament has not yet been formed, the City Development Committee in Yangon and the Department of Social Welfare in rural areas—along with the GAD—must take responsibility for this issue. Once a parliament is formed, parliamentary committees should draft special plans and work with township representatives to conduct thorough investigations in areas with high concentrations of child beggars. Exploiting children like this is a blatant violation of the law. It is human trafficking and child abuse. Action can be taken under both the Child Law and the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law. The laws already exist; these issues persist because the administrative authorities are neglecting to enforce them. Anyone who sees this should report it. Authorities should then investigate immediately and send the child to social welfare departments if necessary, while exposing those exploiting them. Currently, I don’t even know what the women’s affairs organizations are doing."

Myanmar enacted the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law on September 13, 2005. Legal experts point out that according to the United Nations definition of human trafficking, the current forced begging of children in Yangon constitutes a crime of human trafficking.

Children seen

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin added that child abuse is a priority issue that must be addressed regardless of whether a parliament is in session, and it should not require a direct order from Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to begin work.

She continued: "There is a market for renting children, and the public knows it. We have to question why the officials responsible for taking action do not know or why they are ignoring it. These are tasks that must be done even without a parliament. This isn't something that the Ministry of Social Welfare or Women’s Affairs organizations should only start doing because Senior General Min Aung Hlaing tells them to 'go do it.' The Ministry of Social Welfare, women's groups, and township administration teams are duty-bound to act. The public should also pressure township authorities—report it via phone or post on their official social media pages when you see children in these situations."

Legal Context: Section 66, Sub-section (c) of the Child Law stipulates that: Forcing a child to beg for one's own benefit; Failing to prevent a child under one's guardianship from begging; Using a child in any way while begging; ...is punishable by up to 2 years in prison, a fine of up to 10,000 Kyats, or both.

Civil society organizations working with street children also pointed out that there should be widespread awareness campaigns to inform parents who force their children to beg that they could face these legal penalties.

CNI News

28 December 2025

Dr. Aung Naing Oo, a veteran Mon politician, told CNI News that the current system in Myanmar—where the central government maintains primary control over the administration of Regions and States and merely redistributes power—is a contradiction of the federal system.

He noted that the main issue is the lack of authority for Regions and States to elect their own Chief Ministers through their own local processes; instead, a system where the President and the Union Government make the selection is being practiced.

Dr. Aung Naing Oo said: "Another point is the legislative power. For example, regarding education and health, Naypyidaw (the central government) holds almost all the authority. It is a system centered at the top. Furthermore, ethnic literature matters, which should fall under the right to self-determination, cannot be implemented extensively. Then there are sectors like electricity production and trade—States do not have much authority to manage these yet. All of these are structured in a way that only the Union Government has the power to act. To put it simply, the central government has taken too much authority. This is a barrier to federalism and needs to be reformed. Another issue is fiscal distribution. We need reforms in how budget and natural resources are shared. Currently, almost all collected taxes are sent to the Union Government. Then, the Union redistributes it, deciding how much to give to which Region or State. Basically, this is a system where the Union central government holds the reins and merely doles out power. This is still the opposite of federalism. These things will need to be changed."

Some ethnic groups seen

A Federal Union system is a political administrative system where ethnic groups and ethnic people's representatives organize and govern together.

In a federal system, the constitution serves as an arrangement to share power between the central government and the regional/state governments. In this sharing of power, the territories (Regions and States) that make up the federal nation are constitutionally guaranteed a high degree of self-decision-making in certain policy areas, while in other policy areas, they are designed to exercise power together according to agreed-upon principles.

Therefore, a federal system means a combination of "Self-Rule" for parts of the country and "Shared Rule" for the union as a whole.

Dr. Aung Naing Oo further explained to CNI News that even when ethnic political parties win a landslide victory in their respective states, they cannot bypass the control of the central government because the central government chooses and forms the state governments.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Saw Mutu Say Phoe, former chairman of the KNU

He said: "If this keeps up, the hopes and expectations of ethnic people could grow significantly. For example, look at Mon State or Rakhine State. Even if a Mon-based party wins the majority of seats in parliament through an official election, they cannot yet form a state government. This is because the central government chooses the Chief Minister, so there is nothing they can do. It was the same in Rakhine. Between the 2015 and 2020 terms, Rakhine parties won the majority in the Rakhine State Parliament. But they couldn't form the government. During that period, the Union President selected a Chief Minister for Rakhine State from among the representatives. So, no matter how much you win in your State or Region, you only get seats as government members. No matter how much you struggle and try, it's a situation where you cannot escape the control of the central government."

On the other hand, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing stated during the graduation ceremony of the 26th Intake of the Defense Services Technological Academy (DSTA) on December 10, 2025, that the survival of a multi-party democratic system is crucial for the emergence of a Union based on democracy and federalism.

He mentioned that in building a Union based on democracy and federalism, it is important not to copy the models of other countries but to implement a democratic and federal system that is suited to Myanmar.

CNI News

27 December 2025

Residents in Momauk Township, Kachin State, report that the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is forcibly imposing Kachin cultural and administrative identity on local Shanni ethnic villages.

In villages such as Khon Sint, Tar Sai, Myothit, Man Nawng, Hintha, Si Hut, Kon Law, and Tharli, the KIA has reportedly replaced the standard school curriculum with its own. Changes include appointing Kachin teachers, requiring students to wear Kachin traditional dress (white tops with Kachin sarongs/longyis) instead of standard uniforms, and constructing Christian religious schools where children are required to attend church.

Locals further claim that morning Buddhist prayers in schools have been banned. Traditional Shanni festivals and Buddhist holidays are reportedly prohibited, while only Christmas is allowed to be celebrated. Furthermore, national holidays such as Martyrs' Day, Independence Day, and Resistance Day have been banned in favor of KIA and Kachin-specific commemorative days.

A local resident from Momauk Township stated:

"They appointed a Kachin woman as the school principal. If a school previously had 30 teachers, they replaced 15 of them with Kachin individuals. We are now forced to study the curriculum provided by the KIA. Regarding festivals, only KIA and Kachin holidays are permitted. They celebrate the KIA’s Martyrs' Day, but we are forbidden from observing the National Martyrs' Day or Independence Day. It is a process of 'Kachinization.' Some villages are even having their names changed to Kachin names. In some villages where there were previously no Kachin households, Kachin people have moved in and settled since the KIA took over administration. They are shaping these into Kachin villages and gradually erasing our Shanni traditions."

The KIA captured Momauk Township in August 2024 and currently maintains administrative control over the area.

Following the takeover, KIA civil administrative teams arrived in villages like Khon Sint, Tar Sai, Myothit, Man Nawng, Hintha, Si Hut, Kon Law, and Tharli to implement the KIA’s administrative, educational, and cultural systems.

CNI News attempted to contact KIA spokesperson Colonel Naw Bu regarding these allegations, but no response has been received yet.

Currently, the KIA is expanding its controlled territory by capturing towns in Kachin State, Sagaing Region, and Northern Shan State. Additionally, it is providing arms and ammunition to other armed groups across various regions and states in an effort to overthrow the Myanmar military.

CNI News

27 December 2025

Election observation teams from Russia, China, and India arrived in Yangon on December 26, 2025, to monitor the upcoming general elections in Myanmar.

Phase (1) of the Myanmar general election is scheduled to be held on December 28, 2025, across 102 townships.

The following high-level representatives and their teams arrived to observe the proceedings:

Russia: Mr. Kara-ool Sholban, Deputy Chairman of the State Duma. China: Mr. Deng Xijun, Special Envoy. India: Mr. Sahni Arun Kumar, Former Army Commander. Kazakhstan: Mr. Yerman Mukhtar, Deputy Chairman of the Commission. Cambodia: H.E. Mr. YICH Samethy, Member of the National Election Committee (NEC). Vietnam: Mr. Nguyen Duc Thinh. 

CNI News

27 December 2025

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), a signatory of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), told CNI News that the formation of the Spring Revolution Alliance (SRA) appears to be focused solely on military cooperation, lacking political collaboration.

From November 21 to 23, 2025, a three-day "Spring Alliance Formation Convention" was held, where the SRA was established with 19 member organizations.

Colonel Khun Okkar noted that political principles play a crucial role in forming an alliance. He stated that the current Spring Alliance seems to be a military-only cooperation, which could potentially weaken its position.

Members of the Spring Revolution Alliance seen

He explained:"In forming an alliance, political principles—a Common Ground—are essential. I believe the Common Ground must be solid. Only when the Common Ground and political principles are strong will the unification be effective and 'alive.' What I've heard is that the Spring Revolution Alliance lacks a political Common Ground. It sounds like they will only coordinate on military actions and cooperate only on the military front. I think that is a bit weak because politics is very fundamental. Furthermore, organizations with a Political Mandate need to be involved substantially. By holding a Political Mandate, the organization gains Legitimacy. Otherwise, managing divisions and fulfilling requirements—especially logistics—becomes difficult. If groups just gather without preparing logistics, from food to arms and ammunition, the formation might only exist on paper. To reach an effective level, a more compact, practical, and feasible formation would be better."

On the other hand, Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, an analyst of China-Myanmar affairs, told CNI News that the purpose of forming the Spring Revolution Alliance is to attack the military strategically and collectively, rather than operating as separate individual groups.

Members of the Spring Revolution Alliance seen

She said:"These groups were scattered. When they are scattered, it’s difficult. I’ve heard comrades say it’s like 'each village has its own style.' If they are organized, they will become a disciplined army. Additionally, instead of attacking the military junta as individual groups in separate locations, they aim to fight strategically and collectively. I think that is their goal, and it is a good thing. When many people come together, there will be diverse views and certainly more conflicts. However, through those conflicts, they will learn the art of negotiation and compromise. In this way, strategies, methods, and positions targeted specifically at the military junta will emerge. I personally like this move."

The 19 member organizations of the Spring Revolution Alliance (SRA) are: Kalay Revolutionary Force (KRF)၊ Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF)၊ Chin Brotherhood (CB)၊ Sagaing People’s Defense Army (Sagaing PDF)၊ Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA)၊ Bamar Army (BA)၊ 96 Soldiers PDF၊ Bamar Liberation Democratic Front (BLDF)၊ 
Danu People's Liberation Army (DPLF)၊ Force for Federal Democracy (FFD)၊ Generation Z Army (GZA)၊ Magway People's Defense Army (Magway PDF)၊ Mon State Revolutionary Force (MSRF)၊ National Liberation Army (NLA)၊ People's Liberation Army (PLA)၊ Pa-O National Defence Force (Kham Kaung) / Pa-O People's Defence Force (Kham Daung)၊ Student Armed Force (SAF)၊ Yaw Army (YA)၊ Yaw Defense Force (YDF).

These 19 groups are currently engaged in an armed struggle to overthrow the Myanmar military(Tatmadaw).

CNI News

26 December 2025

The emergence of reports regarding a secret agreement between India and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) may be intended to incite a tripartite conflict between India, Myanmar, and China; however, it is unlikely that India would allow the situation to reach that stage, Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, a China-Myanmar affairs analyst, told CNI News. She added that such reports could also be aimed at creating friction between the KIA and China.

The US-based Silicon Valley Times reported that a special investigation uncovered a secret agreement signed between India and the KIA in Myanmar. This agreement reportedly involves strategic cooperation for rare earth mineral extraction at a time when Myanmar’s sovereignty is being undermined.

Regarding this, Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw explained to CNI that rare earth minerals cannot be used immediately after extraction; they require complex processing, a stage currently dominated by China.

"Actually, rare earths exist in other countries too, like the US, but they don't process them due to environmental impacts. China takes those risks and uses its processing capability as a trump card. I think this news is being spread to disturb the KIA. Some want to replace China with India in the rare earth trade between China and the KIA. To my knowledge, the KIA sells almost all of its rare earth to China, and only Chinese companies are operating there. So, this news might be aimed at creating conflict between China and the KIA," she said.

KIA and rare earth minerals seen

She further noted, "What they might not realize is that India and China are currently on quite good terms. They are even considering joint strategic cooperation. Therefore, I don't think India would do anything to trigger a conflict with either the Myanmar government or China. There might be discussions at the corporate level, or perhaps through joint ventures between Indian and Chinese companies, but I doubt it is happening at the state level."

Colonel Naw Bu, the spokesperson for the KIO's central information department, has denied the reports, stating that the news of a secret agreement between the KIA and the Indian government is false. However, political and military observers pointed out that it is not surprising for both parties to deny such claims, as admitting to a secret pact could be seen as a sign of political weakness.

In contrast, the Silicon Valley Times claimed that satellite imagery and cross-border intelligence confirmed the construction of a 365-km road from Vijaynagar in India’s Arunachal Pradesh to rare earth mines in Chipwi, Kachin State. This road, allegedly built without the permission of the Myanmar government or the military, would allow India access to Myanmar’s rare earth resources in exchange for providing weapons, medicine, and other logistics to the KIA. The partnership reportedly also includes a secret plan to build a second strategic road connecting the KIA headquarters in Laiza to Rihkhawdar in Chin State, passing through the Sagaing Region.

Indian Ambassador and General Kyaw Swar Kin, Chief of the General Staff (Army, Navy and Air)

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI that while there are communications between India and the KIA, a secret agreement remains unconfirmed.

"They do have communications. I'm not sure if a secret agreement has been reached. The KIA has long had a department called 'Rawka I' for Indian affairs and 'Rawka T' for Thailand. It’s possible that negotiations are being conducted through Rawka I," he said.

Following the reports of the secret pact, the Indian Ambassador to Myanmar, Mr. Abhay Thakur, met with General Kyaw Swar Lin, Chief of the General Staff (Army, Navy, and Air), on December 15, 2025. During the meeting, they discussed enhancing cooperation between the two militaries to ensure border security, stability, and the rule of law.

CNI News

26 December 2025

Political parties and observers are analyzing whether Myanmar’s national situation can truly change as expected if public turnout for the upcoming elections remains low.

The elections are scheduled in three phases: Part (1) on December 28, 2025; Part (2) on January 11, 2026; and Part (3) in the last week of January 2026.

A Vision for a National Unity Government Dr. Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), told CNI News that the election results could move the country in a positive direction, suggesting that political parties are more likely to become partners rather than rivals in the post-election landscape.

"Ultimately, even if the USDP (Union Solidarity and Development Party) wins more seats and the military representatives are included, and other parties have fewer seats than them—we believe the next five years will be the initial steps to break the cycle of civil war that has lasted from the early days of independence until now," Dr. Aye Maung said.

USDP Chairman U Khin Yi, and the State Security and Peace Commission Chairman Senior General Min Aung Hlaing

He expressed belief in a "National Unity Government" (NUG) that includes all stakeholders. "There is political momentum for a government that cannot be formed by a single party or by the military alone. We must form a government representing all sides and ethnic groups to achieve national reconciliation within these five years. I view this as a period of political responsibility assigned to us."

He added that if the public believes this "all-inclusive" political outcome is possible, voter turnout may increase. "Even if the USDP wins the majority of votes, I believe they will move the country forward by forming a collective, unified new government."

Opposing Views on Public Participation Independent candidate Daw Sandar Min argued that the public is no longer as hesitant about voting as they once were.

"Many people abroad don't know the reality on the ground, or they pretend not to. They think what they say from abroad is a big deal and tell people not to vote," she told CNI News. "But the success of this election doesn't depend on them. There isn't just a small number of voters in the country; there are already people ready to vote."

She noted that in her constituency of Latha Township, confusion among voters has diminished as the election date nears. "I don't think voter turnout will be low."

However, legal analysts point out that the 2008 Constitution does not specify a minimum voter turnout for an election to be valid; technically, even a single vote would make the result official.

Leaders of the NLD party.

Concerns Over Security and Fairness On the other hand, several Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), the NUG (National Unity Government), and PDF (People's Defense Forces) have issued warnings that they will disrupt the election and take action against those who participate.

Political observers note that while the public understands the importance of the election in changing the current political deadlock, many remain undecided due to:

Safety Concerns: Fear of attacks or repercussions for voting.

Lack of Fairness: Doubts about whether the election will be free and fair.

Absence of Major Parties: The exclusion of popular parties like the National League for Democracy (NLD), the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), and the original Arakan National Party (ANP) has led to perceptions that the USDP is headed for a one-sided victory, dampening public interest.

Observers warn that if voter turnout is low, moderate political parties will struggle to win seats. This could result in a lopsided parliament dominated by the USDP and the military, creating a political landscape without an effective opposition. In such a scenario, they argue, the genuine political change hoped for by the public remains unlikely.

CNI News

26 December 2025

U Zaw Wai Htet, Secretary of the People’s Pioneer Party (PPP) for the Ayeyarwady Region, told CNI News that the party is facing difficulties and constraints in its organizing efforts due to a lack of local familiarity in the region.

"The main difficulty is that in the 2020 General Election, the PPP was only able to contest in 8 townships within the Ayeyarwady Region. Now, we will be contesting in 26 townships," he said. "As a party, we are still relatively young and are considered a new party within Ayeyarwady. Therefore, organizing is difficult for us. Since we lack local familiarity, we face various challenges and pressures in our attempts to organize."

On August 20, the Union Election Commission (UEC) announced that Part (1) of the Multi-party Democracy General Election, scheduled for December 28, 2025, will be held in 102 townships. Eight townships in the Ayeyarwady Region—Kyonpyaw, Pathein, Maubin, Myaungmya, Kyangin, Myanaung, Labutta, and Hinthada—are included in this first phase.

Members of the PPP party in Ayeyarwady Region.

Strict Regulations and Administrative Hurdles U Zaw Wai Htet further explained that the primary challenge for the PPP is the strict regulations imposed by the UEC, which make operations difficult.

"We focus primarily on online outreach. However, in the rural areas of Ayeyarwady, you have to go in person. To do that, we have to obtain recommendations from homeowners and ward administrators to submit to the respective election commissions. This means we essentially have to visit a village twice," he explained.

"First, we have to find a house where we can hold a campaign speech. Once we find a house, we have to get the ward administrator's recommendation and the homeowner’s consent form and submit them to the commission. Only after submitting to the commission can we go back down to the village. These are the kinds of difficulties we face. The voters themselves are accepting; they cooperate with us enthusiastically. The main issue is just the UEC's strict regulations, which make it a bit difficult for our party to operate."

Members of the PPP party in Ayeyarwady Region.

According to the schedule:

Part (1) of the election will be held on December 28, 2025.

Part (2) will be held on January 11, 2026.

Part (3) is slated for the last week of January 2026.

The UEC also announced that elections will not be held in certain areas due to security or logistical reasons. In Part (1), elections would be skipped in the Baw Mi and Ma Gyee Zin village tracts of Pathein Township. Similarly, in Part (2), elections will not take place in the Kyun Lyar Gyi and Thit Phyu village tracts of Thabaung Township.

CNI News

25 December 2025

Following the shifts in Myanmar’s political landscape after February 1, 2021, various ethnic groups have voiced their respective desires for political status. Consequently, Mon politicians are currently analyzing and discussing the specific political landscape desired by the Mon people.

Mon politicians point out that, unlike some other ethnic groups, the Mon already have a designated State level. However, they emphasize that the current administrative system is not a democracy based on federalism.

Dr. Aung Naing Oo, a veteran Mon politician, told CNI News that the Mon people desire the right to self-determination and the right to choose their own administrative bodies.

"Regarding the political landscape we want to pursue, based on our Mon negotiations, the one point we all fundamentally agree on is the issue of federalism. In other words, we desire a democratic system based on federalism," he said. "Such a system means that the federal units—the States and Regions—must have the right to self-determination and the right to elect their own administrative bodies. That is the path we want to take. Additionally, we must hold substantial legislative powers ourselves. Simply put, we want a genuine federal system."

Historical records show that during the Revolutionary Council era in 1972, the Mawlamyine and Thaton districts of the Tenasserim (Tanintharyi) Division were designated as Tenasserim Division No. 1, while Dawei and Myeik districts were designated as Tenasserim Division No. 2. Later, on January 3, 1974, Tenasserim Division No. 1 was officially re-designated as Mon State.

The armed New Mon State Party seen

Currently, the Mon people primarily reside in Mon State, Kayin State, Yangon Region, Mandalay Region, Bago Region, and Tanintharyi Region, and are scattered throughout Myanmar. In Kayin State, they live in certain villages within Kawkareik, Hpa-an, and Kyainseikgyi townships, as well as in Myawaddy and Hlaingbwe townships.

Naing Than Shwe, spokesperson for the Mon Unity Party (MUP), told CNI News that for a Mon State that already exists, it is essential to implement local administration that best aligns with federal standards.

"In this election as well, our main focus is federalism. When we shape federalism, it involves levels of government, particularly the administrative sector," he said. "If we implement local governments according to federal standards, whether you call it self-administration or otherwise, it will be more beneficial for the public. Currently, if we look at the administration, the administrator of a township is not chosen by the local residents but is an official from the General Administration Department (GAD). When a local government cannot govern its own area, how can it develop that area? Locals lack the authority. Therefore, it is crucial to implement local administration effectively; this is consistent with federal standards."

Following the 2021 political changes, a group called the New Mon State Party - Anti-Dictatorship (NMSP-AD) broke away from the New Mon State Party (NMSP).

Subsequently, four Mon armed groups emerged: the Mon Liberation Army (MLA), the Mon National Liberation Army-Anti Dictatorship (MNLA-AD), the Mon State Defense Force (MSDF), and the Mon State Revolutionary Force (MSRF). These four groups have formed the "Mon Army" to conduct military operations.

While the Karen National Union (KNU) and PDFs under the NUG are also active in the region, Mon State currently remains relatively more stable compared to other states.