CNI News

March 9, 2026

A meeting for the winning representatives of the Pyithu Hluttaw (House of Representatives) and Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities) who contested on behalf of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in the 2025 General Election was held in Nay Pyi Taw on March 9, 2026.

The meeting was attended by Prime Minister U Nyo Saw, Executive Secretary of the National Defence and Security Council Office U Aung Lin Dwe, and Union Ministers including U Mya Tun Oo, U Maung Maung Ohn, Dr. Thet Khaing Win, U Tin Aung San, U Tun Ohn, and U Maung Maung Tint.

Additionally, Nay Pyi Taw Mayor U Than Tun Oo and Daw Dwe Bu, who served as a member and advisor to the State Administration Council (SAC), were also in attendance.

CNI News

March 9, 2026

Military and political analysts are weighing in on whether peace in Myanmar should be built by incentivizing and organizing Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) as National Guard or State Guard forces, rather than the previous models of Border Guard Forces (BGF) or People’s Militia Groups.

During the negotiations for the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), the government maintained a stance of wanting a single unified military, while EAOs stood firm on becoming State Guard forces for their respective states, according to U Khun Sai, a figure involved in the peace process, who spoke to CNI News.

He noted that a step-by-step transition from these independent State Guards toward a single Union Army had been previously agreed upon. Had the political changes of 2021 not occurred, this process would have already reached a significant milestone.

"Now, following the coup and the takeover, the previous talk of having a 'single military' has become even harder to accept. There is a sense that it will take more time and require more regulations and restrictions," U Khun Sai said. "However, these are not insurmountable issues. Currently, let them maintain their own State Guards. Switzerland did the same; for hundreds of years, they operated with state-level forces. When it came to collective matters, they joined forces; otherwise, they managed their own state troops. Eventually, they became a Union Army. We don’t need to wait hundreds of years like Switzerland—it could take a decade—but we need serious discussion. To truly establish security, we must realize we cannot do it as a single state or a single ethnic group alone. If everyone accepts that we must work together, this is entirely possible."

Ethnic armed leaders and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.

Section 338 of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution stipulates that all armed forces in the country must be under the command of the Defense Services (Tatmadaw).

During a government meeting in Naypyidaw on August 22, 2022, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing previously stated that after signing the NCA, ethnic armed groups wishing to remain armed would be allowed to serve in Border Guard Forces (BGF) alongside the Tatmadaw. He also mentioned that ethnic and regional rights should be debated in the political arena (Parliament), and EAOs wishing to engage in business would be permitted to do so in accordance with the law.

Recently, however, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has been inviting armed groups to resolve political problems through political means, specifically by entering the path of party politics or elections.

A political analyst told CNI News that since EAOs already refer to themselves as "State Forces," it is questionable whether they would satisfy or accept the "BGF" label. He suggested that, under current circumstances, the BGF model is no longer ideal.

A conference of Ethnic Armed Organizations in progress.

"A major problem now, compared to pre-2021, is that groups like the Kokang (MNDAA) and TNLA have seized territories beyond their designated Self-Administered Zones," the analyst said. "These seized areas sit on the China-Myanmar trade routes, which is the primary issue to solve. If we insist they withdraw based strictly on the Constitution, we don't currently have the leverage to enforce that since we haven't reclaimed those areas. They argue their people live there. We should decide through a democratic and free referendum. In the interim, with China acting as a mediator to prevent forced relocations, a fair democratic decision should be made. Other groups like the SSA and SSPP would likely accept a decision based on a public referendum."

The National Guard system is used in the United States, where forces serve both the state and the federal government, unlike a traditional regular army. At the state level, they are commanded by the respective state governors. At the federal level, the President can call them into federal service for national needs or even international conflicts.

CNI News

March 9, 2026

U Ko Ko Gyi, Chairman of the People’s Party (PP), told CNI News that resolving Myanmar's ongoing armed conflicts and peace process requires a departure from old methods in favor of new conceptual approaches.

Myanmar has been embroiled in civil war since March 1948, shortly after gaining independence on January 4 of that year. Despite peace efforts under successive administrations—including those of U Ne Win, U Than Shwe, U Thein Sein, Daw Aung San Su Kyi, and the current government led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing—a lasting solution remains elusive. U Ko Ko Gyi emphasized that the incoming government must adopt fresh perspectives to tackle these long-standing issues.

"In some matters, precise actions are required, while others demand flexibility," U Ko Ko Gyi said. "Peace negotiations, for instance, need flexible dialogue. Decisions must be based on the specific context and situation rather than a rigid 'all-or-nothing' approach. We need a total reassessment. The civil war is nearly 80 years old; the problem isn't new, but it is certain that old thinking cannot solve it. We must create new ways of thinking and approaching the issue."

Dr Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan Front Party

Myanmar recently conducted its 2025 General Election in three phases, spanning from December 28, 2025, to January 25, 2026. The third sessions of the Pyithu Hluttaw and Amyotha Hluttaw are scheduled for March 16 and 18, 2026, with a new government expected to form in April.

U Ko Ko Gyi noted that the new government is expected to issue peace invitations. He stressed the need for practical discussions on power-sharing and resource management.

Federalism was once viewed as a crime or a precursor to the disintegration of the Union, even serving as a justification for military intervention.

While federalism is now accepted in principle, the technical details remain unresolved.

Practical negotiations on the specific structures of federalism and how power and resources will be managed.

Military and political analysts suggest that the new civilian government must prioritize national reconciliation and unity by changing the format of negotiations. Dr. Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), told CNI that the new government should learn from historical lessons and move forward with a spirit of compromise.

"The government's steps will be crucial," Dr. Aye Maung said. "The incoming government will likely be experienced and has already navigated peace processes. We must learn from the history of Myanmar politics. To achieve national reconciliation, we need flexibility, a sense of timing (short, medium, and long-term goals), and a balance of firmness and gentleness. To achieve a win-win situation, we must build a political and peaceful solution through mutual give-and-take."

Since February 1, 2021, the scale of armed conflict in Myanmar has expanded significantly, with an increase in the number of armed groups.

The Myanmar military and government have faced territorial losses.

Ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) are focused on consolidating territorial control.

Some groups are now looking beyond federalism, aiming for confederation or total independence.

CNI News

March 9, 2026

Bamar (Burman) politicians assert that the Bamar people do not practice "Great Race" chauvinism or racial discrimination, suggesting that the focus should instead remain on how to build national ethnic unity.

However, they noted that non-Bamar ethnic groups continue to accuse the Bamar of chauvinism. These politicians raised the question of how to address similar accusations of chauvinism occurring among non-Bamar ethnic groups themselves if such allegations are to be made.

Political analyst Dr. Aung Myo told CNI News that Bamar people do not discriminate based on race. He argued that the perception of chauvinism stems from the historical failure of successive state administrations to consider the perspectives of ethnic minorities.

"We do not practice chauvinism. A Bamar person doesn't refuse to eat at the same table with a Naga or a Chin person, said Dr. Aung Myo."Chauvinism doesn't exist [among the people], and neither does racial discrimination. In reality, it is the ethnic groups who are discriminating. They say things like 'He’s Bamar, so I don't trust him.' Look at the AA, the Kokang (MNDAA), or the Chin—they don't trust the Bamar. That is racial discrimination. The Bamar don't do that. However, there is one issue, but it isn't chauvinism; it’s a failure at the individual and administrative levels. Successive rulers of the state failed to look at things from the ethnic perspective. For instance, these groups ruled themselves independently for centuries. When we entered their regions, they felt their territory was being dominated. We weren't intentionally oppressing them; we were just operating within the framework of the modern era. We simply failed to take them into account. There are flaws on the State’s part regarding power sharing, but that has nothing to do with the 'chauvinism' they speak of."

Youth from various ethnic groups pictured together.

Political analysts point out that "Great Race" chauvinism is a toxic mindset that denies equal human dignity and operates on the principle of "If you aren't like me, you are my enemy" or "I am inherently superior."

Political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News that when people talk about chauvinism, they usually refer to it in a negative sense—of being belittled or treated unfairly. He suggested that the concept of being a "Great Race" could be reframed in a positive light.

"The term 'chauvinism' itself isn't very clear. To me, being a 'Great Race' should mean having a 'greater culture.' If your culture is greater, your behavior should be better," U Htet Aung Kyaw said. "Whenever 'Great Race' chauvinism is mentioned in Myanmar, it’s almost always used in a negative political framing—to say 'these people are unfair' or 'they are doing wrong.' There isn't much clear discussion on why it shouldn't be practiced. My view is that a 'Great Race' should exist in the sense of being more civilized and helping those with less power. It’s about how you shape the image of a 'Great Race.' It would be better to frame it as a positive attribute rather than a negative one."

Youth from various ethnic groups pictured together.

While other ethnic groups accuse the Bamar of chauvinism, some subgroups have also pointed out that groups like the Kachin and the KIA (Kachin Independence Army) are practicing "Kachin Chauvinism" against smaller minorities.

Military and political observers point out that instead of mutual accusations, an answer should be sought on how to cooperate and build a nation based on federalism and democracy.

Similarly, observers noted that the term "Ethnic Nationalities" (Tine-Yinn-Thar) needs a broader and clearer definition. There needs to be clarity on whether the Bamar are considered an "Ethnic Nationality" or not. If the Bamar are considered such, they should avoid referring to other groups as "The Ethnicities" as if they are separate. Conversely, non-Bamar groups should avoid using "Ethnic Nationalities" to refer only to themselves while excluding the Bamar.

The 2008 Constitution stipulates that the state is composed of various ethnic groups living together and mandates that national unity must be built and protected from disintegration.

CNI News

March 8, 2026

The opening ceremony of a 40,000-ton dry dock and the keel-laying ceremony (Ayakhinn Mingalar) for two 63-meter anti-submarine vessels for the Myanmar Navy was held in Yangon on March 8, 2026.

The ceremony was attended by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the National Security and Peace Restoration Commission.

It is reported that the Naval Dockyard Headquarters project was implemented in three distinct construction phases:

Phase 1: Constructed and opened between 1998 and 2002.

Phase 2: Constructed and opened between 2009 and 2013.

Phase 3: Completed to enable the construction and repair of naval vessels, as well as departmental and private vessels.

CNI News
March 7, 2026

Political analyst Dr. An Kaw La told CNI News that there are two major weaknesses in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

According to him, the first major weakness concerns territorial issues, while the second is the inability to effectively implement national-level political dialogues.

Dr. An Kaw La said:

“Regarding the peace process, the NCA was implemented as much as possible. However, there are two main weaknesses in the NCA. The first concerns territorial issues. There is a certain assumption that groups must have territory. That is one issue. The second is that the NCA was actually designed to gain legitimacy through national-level political dialogues based on ethnicity and region, followed by conferences. The weakness is that these two points have not worked well. National-level political dialogues have not been conducted widely or effectively. That is one issue. The other issue is the territorial question. For example, I will explain. The Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) led by Saw Mra Razar Lin no longer has territory, even though it signed the NCA. So it has become stuck in a difficult position. Because the process is restricted by territorial conditions, what happens is that armed groups start thinking they must fight to gain territory. The original idea was that groups would sign the NCA, stop fighting, and continue political dialogue from their existing positions. If necessary, they could withdraw from certain areas. But another problem is that national-level political dialogues have not been held. The frameworks intended to organize such dialogues have many weaknesses. These issues need to be carefully reviewed and corrected.”

Military and political analysts have also pointed out that the negotiation frameworks of the NCA should be revised, because continuing the process exactly as it was in the past may no longer be effective.

Signing the NCA in 2015 seen

Sai Htay Aung, chairman of the Tai-Leng (Shanni) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), told CNI News that although the NCA may have weaknesses, the new government could still use the NCA pathway to discuss peace.

He said:

“It is true that there may be weaknesses. The NCA process started during the time of President U Thein Sein. The agreement went through several stages, and later the government revised some points it wanted. In fact, about 90 percent of the proposals came from the EAO side. Of course weaknesses may exist; no agreement can ever be completely perfect. But for the moment we still have to proceed based on the NCA. There are still groups that continue to follow the NCA path. However, this does not mean we must rigidly follow it without change.We can revise strategies and negotiate many aspects. Therefore, I believe the government will still pursue peace through the NCA framework.The NCA was signed in front of the international community with eight EAOs. For that reason, the government will likely continue following the NCA agreement. Even if there are weaknesses, they can be improved along the way.”

The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was signed on October 15, 2015, by the following groups: Karen National Union (KNU),Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS),KNU/KNLA-PC,Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA),Arakan Liberation Party (ALP),All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF),Chin National Front (CNF),Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO).

Leaders of Mon, Karen and Karenni

Later, on February 13, 2018, the following groups also signed: New Mon State Party (NMSP),Lahu Democratic Union (LDU).

Currently, KNU, CNF, and ABSDF have withdrawn from the NCA and are engaged in fighting against the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw). Meanwhile, ALP, PNLO, LDU, and NMSP have split into two factions each.

CNI News

March 7, 2026

A new Sarso Beikman (Literati Building) has been constructed on Bo Min Gaung Road, Mingala Taung Nyunt Township, Yangon, with the assistance of the Indian government.

The opening ceremony, organized by the Printing and Publishing Department under the Ministry of Information, was held on March 4, 2026.

The event was attended by:

U Nyo Saw, Prime Minister,Lt-Gen Yar Pyae, Minister for Border Affairs,Lt-Gen Phone Myat, Minister for Home Affairs,U Maung Maung Ohn, Minister for Information,U Soe Thein, Chief Minister of Yangon Region, Mr. Abhay Thakur, Indian Ambassador to Myanmar, and other embassy officials.

It is reported that the Indian government provided over $3.7 million in aid for the construction of the Sarso Beikman as a symbol of Myanmar-India friendship.

CNI News
March 7, 2026

The National Socialist Council of Nagaland–Khaplang/Ang Mai (NSCN-K/AM) said it wants to hold discussions with the Myanmar military(Tatmadaw)/government to achieve peace for the development of the Naga region and the Naga people, according to U Ching Maung, chairman of the group’s Peace-making Committee, speaking to CNI News.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission, said the government will carry out necessary work for the development of the Naga Self-Administered Zone in Sagaing Region, which remains one of the least developed areas in Myanmar.

He made the remark on February 16, 2026, during meetings with departmental officials and local elders in Lahe and Leshi towns in the Naga Self-Administered Zone.

NSCN-K/AM is currently an armed organization engaged in a peace process with the Myanmar military and said it will prioritize the development of the Naga region, according to U Ching Maung.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Naga tribe

He said:

“There are many organizations within our society. In any case, we are moving toward independence. At present, we are carrying out a peace process with the Myanmar government. The purpose of the peace process is mainly to ensure regional stability, regional development, and improvement of people’s livelihoods.Our Naga region is indeed very underdeveloped. Because development has lagged so much, we will prioritize regional stability. We will work together with the government on regional development matters. That is the path we are following.We have many proposals for the peace process. Discussions with the regional government have already taken place. After the formation of the new government following the election, we will proceed to the Union-level discussions. At that time we will know what exactly will be discussed.”

NSCN-K/AM held meetings in 2024 with the Sagaing Region government and the Northwest Command.

However, the group is now preparing to hold Union-level peace talks.

Chairman U Shu Maung of the Naga National Party (NNP) told CNI News that peace efforts would be better if the root causes and issues related to the organization’s survival could be clearly discussed.

Some members of the NSCN-K/AM

He said:

“First of all, pursuing peace is a good thing. But the question is what the fundamental reasons behind the peace process are. When we talk about regional development, is it mainly for the organization’s survival or based on the needs of the people? There are organizations connected to the public that understand the people’s needs. Therefore, it is necessary to meet and discuss properly with those organizations as well. If discussions are also held at the grassroots level and the needs of the people can be presented, that would be better.The country already has a peace framework. The National Solidarity and Peacemaking Negotiation Committee (NSPNC) has been leading efforts to implement peace. If they sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), the NSPNC will implement matters related to national stability and development. They have been working on this for many years.So the question is whether they want to follow that path or what kind of format they want for the peace process.”

The Naga region faces severe transportation difficulties. Because roads are poor and transporting goods via the Monywa–Homalin–Khamti river route is difficult, the flow of goods is often disrupted and food shortages occur.

Observers pointed out that the Naga region could develop if the Pangsaung border gate—currently the only border gate in the area—is upgraded and transportation infrastructure is improved.

At present, various armed groups are active in the Naga region, including:

NSCN-K/AM, NSCN-K/YA, ENNO/ENND, Naga PDF, NSCN-IM, NSCN-Hashi Ramsan, PLA, MPA, UNFA-(I), and ULFA.

CNI News

March 6, 2026

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Security and Peace Management Commission, stated that efforts will continue to achieve peace for the development of the people and the nation.

He made these remarks during a Financial Commission meeting held on March 6, 2026.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said, "National unity is extremely important for the stability of the country and the rule of law. Therefore, it is necessary for all ethnic people to hold onto mindfulness and wisdom, stand firmly on the path of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), and strive together to achieve eternal peace. Only when peace is achieved can the country develop and the socio-economic lives of the people improve. Thus, we must continue to strive for peace for the development of the people and the State."

In Myanmar, the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was signed on October 15, 2015, by the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), KNU/KNLA Peace Council (KNU/KNLA-PC), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Karen National Union (KNU), Chin National Front (CNF), and All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF).

Later, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) signed the NCA on February 13, 2018.

Currently, the KNU, ABSDF, and CNF have declared that the NCA is void, withdrawn from the agreement, and are engaged in active fighting with the Myanmar military.

Similarly, the NMSP, LDU, ALP, and PNLO have split into two factions.

Furthermore, groups such as the UWSA, NDAA, SSPP, TNLA, MNDAA, AA, KIA, and KNPP have stated that they cannot sign the NCA.

Beyond the NCA framework, there are groups like the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA), Kuki National Army (KNA), Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), and Arakan National Council (ANC), as well as the PDF organizations that emerged after February 1, 2021.