CNI News
April 17, 2026

Two junior officers from the joint Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and People’s Defense Force (PDF) surrendered to the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) on April 15, 2026, bringing their weapons and ammunition with them.

The two individuals—a squad leader and a deputy squad leader from the joint KIA-PDF force—surrendered at a frontline outpost of the SNA's 891st Brigade, Battalion No. 2. They brought with them two UWSA "Wa"-made M-22 rifles, five magazines, over 200 rounds of ammunition, two sets of equipment, and related supplies.

One of the two men who surrendered stated that they had been forced into the revolutionary group through involuntary recruitment and chose to defect to the SNA because they disliked the oppressive behavior of their superiors.

While meeting SNA troops

"Since we arrived and finished training, we were sent immediately to the front lines. They forced us to sacrifice our lives at the front while they stayed behind giving orders. We asked for leave to visit our homes, but they never granted it. Furthermore, they have been unfairly collecting taxes from the public, and those funds are used by them (the KIA leaders) for their own personal gain. We didn't like these things, which is why we surrendered to the SNA," he said.

An SNA official stated that the two individuals are currently receiving medical care and will be returned to their families shortly.

The Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) operates within the Sagaing Region and Kachin State. According to local residents, the SNA is currently defending its controlled territories against territorial offensive battles initiated by the KIA-PDF.

CNI News
April 17, 2026

It has been learned that State President U Min Aung Hlaing has granted an amnesty to U Win Myint, who served as President during the National League for Democracy (NLD) government, for all the sentences he is currently serving.

U Win Myint had been sentenced to a total of 9 years and 6 months in prison, including for four corruption cases and under Section 130.

Following this, it has been learned from sources close to the family and those familiar with the situation in Naypyidaw that on April 17, 2026, to mark the Myanmar New Year, State President U Min Aung Hlaing granted an amnesty, commuting the remaining sentences.

CNI News
April 17, 2026

President U Min Aung Hlaing has urged all armed organizations opposing the state to abandon their armed struggle and resolve political issues through political means by choosing the path of political dialogue.

He made these remarks during his New Year’s greeting for the Myanmar year 1388, which falls on April 17, 2026.

President U Min Aung Hlaing stated that for the construction of a future democratic state and the development and modernization of the nation, stability, the end of internal armed conflict, and the achievement of permanent peace are of paramount importance.

"Regarding the peace process, our government has consistently adhered to the 2008 Constitution and the agreements within the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). However, the goal of peace remains distant due to conflicts that should not have occurred. Therefore, considering the losses caused by armed conflicts in the country, I strongly urge all violent armed organizations opposing the state to abandon the armed path and resolve political problems through political means via the political track for the sake of the nation's stability, peace, and development," he said.

He further added that his administration keeps the door to peace open indefinitely and will continue to strive for the cessation of armed conflicts and permanent peace. He emphasized that the protection of the "Three National Causes" will continue to be upheld as a national duty.

Along with peace-building efforts, he stated that the government would simultaneously strive to achieve economic development, which is a key requirement for the nation.

"It is of utmost importance to be vigilant and correctly analyze the dangers posed by internal and external interference and sabotage, which are attempting to undermine national unity in various ways and cause suffering for the country. This is the root cause of the current acts of sabotage, unrest, and violence occurring in the state," President U Min Aung Hlaing stated.

Currently, in Myanmar, armed conflict persists between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed organizations, with fighting escalating to encompass territorial control battles.

CNI News
April 15, 2026

The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) sent a message on April 15, 2026, welcoming and congratulating the appointment of Min Aung Hlaing as the President of the State and the formation of a new civilian government.

The TNLA stated that they had signed a mutual bilateral ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar Armed Forces on October 28, 2025, during the 9th round of talks facilitated by China through the Haigeng Agreement.

Therefore, the PSLF/TNLA expressed in their message that they are highly hopeful that they can continue to uphold ceasefire commitments with the Myanmar Armed Forces and the new government led by President Min Aung Hlaing, and work towards resolving political issues peacefully through political dialogue.

CNI News

April 11, 2026

Amid leadership changes within the military, the security situation could become more tense, while at the same time peace negotiations may re-emerge, according to Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), a signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

On March 30, 2026, General Ye Win Oo assumed the position of Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services, while Lieutenant General Kyaw Swar Lin was appointed as Deputy Commander-in-Chief.

Based on these leadership changes, Colonel Khun Okkar said it does not appear that the military situation will ease compared to the current conditions.

He said:

“This relates to the background of the individual who has become Commander-in-Chief. He previously served as Chief of Military Security Affairs. The Office of the Chief of Military Security Affairs (OCMSA) is known for being somewhat hardline in handling people.

Those coming from such a background are unlikely to reduce military intensity. Like former figures such as General Khin Nyunt, officials from OCMSA tend to be decisive and firm, particularly in interrogation and security matters.

Now that he has become Commander-in-Chief, his approach in dealing with neighboring countries, the international community, and other armed groups may reflect that OCMSA mindset, which could lead to a more rigid stance.

Lieutenant General Kyaw Swar Lin is not much different either. There are reports suggesting he also holds relatively hardline views. Therefore, the overall situation may become more decisive and firm on the military front.”

During an NCA discussion under the government led by President U Thein Sein

Although military tensions may increase due to internal reshuffles, he added that under a new government led by the president, peace processes and political dialogue based on the NCA could regain momentum.

Colonel Khun Okkar said:

“However, the government led by the president is likely to revive peace processes and political dialogue based on the NCA. A new government needs to adopt policies that are broadly accepted.

If military tensions rise and negotiations weaken, civilians in conflict areas will suffer the most—losing homes, facing destruction of schools, hospitals, and monasteries. Armed actors can maneuver and avoid danger, but local civilians bear the greatest burden.

If the government has clear reconstruction policies, it may be able to reduce military tensions. We need to closely observe the government’s leadership.”

General Ye Win Oo is a graduate of Officer Training School Intake 77 and recently served as Commander-in-Chief (Army). He also held the position of Chief of Military Security Affairs. 

Following the 2021 political changes, he served as Joint Secretary of the State Administration Council and later as Joint Chief Executive Officer of the National Defense and Security Council formed in 2025, as well as Secretary of the State Security and Peace Commission.

Similarly, Deputy Commander-in-Chief Lieutenant General Kyaw Swar Lin is a graduate of the Defence Services Academy Intake 35 and previously served as Chief of Staff (Army, Navy, Air), Chief of General Staff (Army), and Quartermaster General.

President U Min Aung Hlaing

Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, a China-Myanmar affairs analyst, told CNI News that the military and government are likely to intensify operations to prevent coordination among ethnic armed organizations, People’s Defence Forces (PDFs), and other domestic armed groups.

She said:

“Based on their statements, they will first call for ceasefires and peace talks—this is always an exit strategy for them. Some groups are already preparing for this. So peace talks are possible.

At the same time, they may try to decisively eliminate other forces. 

They do not want ethnic groups, PDFs, and other armed actors to unite. 

That is why they may intensify military operations.

Some groups will engage in dialogue, while others will continue fighting. 

The situation is more likely to become tense rather than improve.

Although they may gain some political legitimacy, there is little prospect for economic improvement, so they will continue to face significant challenges. 

Overall, the country’s situation is unlikely to improve much this year.”

Military and political analysts also noted that rebuilding trust is essential for achieving inclusive peace in Myanmar. 

They emphasized that accountability and responsibility are key elements in any peace process, and without these, it will be difficult for peace efforts to succeed.

CNI News

April 10, 2026

Members of parliament should not engage in politics to please those in power, but rather to serve the will of the people, political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News.

He said that while working for the public interest, lawmakers should also contribute to their political parties. Otherwise, in a one-party authoritarian system, gaining power would depend on pleasing superiors.

Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw U Khin Yi

U Htet Aung Kyaw said: “Such behavior—trying to please superiors—can be seen as a result of people not clearly understanding politics. Politics is not about pleasing those in power; it is about serving the people. In a one-party authoritarian system, one has to please superiors to gain a position, and only after securing that position can one do what they want. But in a democracy, where elections exist, the focus must be on winning public support and advancing public interests. If a politician works for the people, the public will respect both the individual and their party. In reality, the interests of the people and the party are aligned. By serving the public, one simultaneously benefits the party.If someone prioritizes pleasing superiors over party or public interest, it can be concluded that they do not properly understand politics.”

Political analysts also pointed out that due to traditions and authoritarian cultural norms, there has long been a tendency for political actions to be driven by fear and the need to satisfy those in power.

Members of the USDP

They emphasized that politics is not about pleasing authorities but about courageously standing up for public interest, national development, and human rights.

Politicians, they added, must remain loyal to the people and be cautious not to become tools for wrongdoing.

Meanwhile, U Thein Tun Oo, Executive Director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, told CNI News that it is crucial for lawmakers to maintain a balance between government policies and public demands.

Members of the Hluttaw

He said: “For a government on the path of democracy, the key is public administration. Its core principle is balancing what the government wants with what the people need. All members of parliament must be able to maintain that balance between government policies and public expectations. This is also how successful democracies operate in practice. Public demands have no limits. The role of lawmakers, therefore, is to assess what people truly need—not just what they want—and determine how much of that can realistically be fulfilled. It is not possible to meet every demand made by the public. That is the reality.”

Political parties and analysts further noted that lawmakers must coordinate and maintain balance between government policies and public will.

As representatives of the people, they are responsible for acting as the eyes and ears of the public, bringing forward truth and real needs, and ensuring that both parliament and government genuinely represent the people.

CNI News

April 10, 2026

Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) that have captured territories beyond their original operational areas should focus on the actual needs of their respective ethnicities and organizations during peace negotiations, according to political analyst Dr. An Kaw La.

Since the political shifts of 2021, armed conflicts in Myanmar have expanded significantly. Many EAOs and revolutionary forces have seized control of numerous territories far exceeding their traditional strongholds.

Dr. An Kaw La told CNI News that these territorial issues must be addressed according to constitutional provisions and approached through a lens that balances history, population, economy, and cultural reach.

Key Perspectives on Territorial Disputes 1. Legitimacy and Compromise Dr. An Kaw La emphasized that military occupation does not automatically equate to permanent ownership.

"It is difficult to claim a territory as your own just because you captured it. If a place has no historical connection to a group, they may need to return to their original designated areas. However, some areas might be conceded out of necessity. This will involve 'give and take' and negotiation."

Leaders of the Three Brotherhood Alliance.

2. The Role of New Institutions With the emergence of the new parliament and legitimate governing bodies, the analyst noted that the resolution depends on the vision and foresight of those in decision-making positions.

"For peace negotiations to be effective, demands should be limited to what is truly necessary for one's ethnic group. Peace is, first and foremost, a compromise. You cannot take everything, nor can you give everything away. Simply saying 'I fought for this land, so it's mine' is not a viable long-term solution."

Evolving Political Aspirations Most EAOs aim for a Federal Democratic System based on self-determination and equality, seeking to replace centralized control with local autonomy. However, the political landscape is shifting:

Beyond Federalism: Some groups are now looking toward a Confederation status or practical, independent self-rule.

Rejecting the 2008 Constitution: Many major EAOs no longer recognize the 2008 Constitution and are working toward a new Federal Accord.

Status of the NCA: Groups that once trusted the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) now consider it void.

Alliances: Since 2021, major groups like the KNU, KIA, KNPP, CNF, and the Three Brotherhood Alliance (MNDAA, AA, TNLA) have increased cooperation with the NUG and PDF.

Leaders of Ethnic Armed Organizations.

The Challenge for the New Government A political analyst pointed out to CNI that the new government faces a massive challenge in deciding the fate of captured territories—specifically those seized by groups like the TNLA and MNDAA that fall outside their legally designated Self-Administered Zones.

Public Referendums: One suggested solution is to hold referendums for local populations to decide which administrative jurisdiction they wish to join.

Negotiation over Conflict: "Once a ceasefire is signed, fighting must stop. Remaining issues must be settled at the table. Both sides need a deep understanding of federalism to create a unique structure tailored to Myanmar," the analyst added.

Current Status of Administrative Zones Under the 2008 Constitution, Myanmar currently recognizes one Self-Administered Division and five Self-Administered Zones (totaling six).

The EAOs remain divided into two main camps: Those who believe political dialogue should only happen after achieving total military victory. Those who seek an end to Myanmar's political crisis through immediate peace talks and negotiation.

CNI News

April 9, 2026

Military and political observers are analyzing the potential trajectory of Myanmar’s politics following the formation of a new government post-election and leadership changes within the Tatmadaw (military).

The New Political Framework Myanmar held a multi-party general election in three phases from December 28, 2025, to January 25, 2026. The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) emerged victorious nationwide. In collaboration with the military, the USDP is currently forming the Union Government, regional and state governments, and the parliament(Hluttaw).

On April 3, 2026, the Union Parliament (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) elected Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as President. Subsequently: April 6: 31 ministries were established. April 7: 30 Union Ministers were appointed.

Expert Perspectives 1. Internal Progress vs. Foreign Policy Sai Htay Aung, Chairman of the Tai-Lleng (Shanni) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), told CNI that while major shifts in foreign relations are unlikely, internal politics and peace processes may see significant focus.

The Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw

"I expect the domestic political situation to change. While foreign relations might not see massive shifts, the military situation could improve given Senior General Min Aung Hlaing's experience. If the government focuses on the people's welfare to alleviate the burdens of war, they could gain public trust."

2. Military Leadership and ASEAN Relations Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the PNLO-NCA/S, noted that the new military appointments—General Ye Win Oo as Commander-in-Chief and General Kyaw Swar Linn as Deputy Commander-in-Chief (effective March 30)—suggest a firm military stance.

Military Stance: The new leaders appear unlikely to soften their military approach.

Diplomacy: If the new government follows the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, relations with ASEAN might normalize, especially as Thailand takes the chair in the coming years.

Policy Shifts: While the leadership remains familiar, observers are waiting to see if the government or parliament introduces new policies that might alter the military's operational direction.

3. Constitutional Reform and Power Centers Political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw suggested that the return of a parliamentary system offers hope for constitutional change.

President Min Aung Hlaing.

2008 Constitution: There are expectations for amendments based on 43 points previously discussed between the NSPNC and 16 political parties.

Power Centers: "The 'Power Center' has diversified with the emergence of the parliament. Although the key figures haven't changed drastically, the political playground has expanded, offering more hope for the citizens," he noted.

Key Challenges Ahead Analysts and observers emphasized that the new government must prioritize the following to ensure national stability: Economic Recovery: Urgently implementing sound economic policies to address the high cost of living and the collapsing economy. Peace Process: Increasing efforts in internal peace negotiations.

Policy Review: Re-evaluating current military and political strategies to ensure they are aligned with the country's needs.

CNI News

April 9, 2026

Military and political analysts are debating whether granting "Wa"-style autonomy to all non-Bamar ethnic groups could end Myanmar's nearly 80-year-long armed conflict.

Experts told CNI News that simply demarcating self-administered regions is not enough to end the fighting. Political analyst Dr. Aung Myo noted that while it is an undeniable truth that the central government has suppressed the rightful rights of ethnic minorities, their situations and positions differ significantly from those of the Wa, as many ethnic groups live in mixed-population areas.

Consequently, he argued that ethnic groups should instead receive the status they held prior to 1958.

"They won't be granted Wa-style status. The Wa's historical tradition is different. Even the British government only entered the Wa region in 1936, leaving them alone for 50 years. The standing of other ethnic groups is different from the Wa. Historically, other groups are integrated and mixed, so they won't get as much as the Wa," Dr. Aung Myo said.

He added, "However, it’s true that the central government has suppressed ethnic rights; that can't be denied. They should get the status they had before 1958. But we cannot accept a system where they can execute people at will under their own judiciary. In short, they should get a genuine federal system, but not the confederate-style 'Wa' model. The Wa situation is, in a way, like a fragmentation within the country. Some Wa actions are unacceptable to us; we feel they are taking excessive privileges."

The Pre-1958 Context Before 1958, under the 1947 Constitution, the Shan, Kachin, Kayah (Karenni), and Karen states held distinct state statuses. State governments were formed with representatives from their respective state councils and exercised certain administrative powers.

Non-Bamar ethnic youths seen

During that era, a bicameral legislature was practiced. There was a Chamber of Nationalities for non-Bamar ethnic groups. In this chamber, representatives were not chosen based on population size but based on state-defined rights, allowing them a balance of power nearly equal to the Bamar ethnic group. In 1958, ethnic groups legally possessed a high political status within the union, which included the right to self-determination and the right to secede.

The "Wa" Distinction Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI that the autonomy granted to the Wa is due to their location on the Chinese border, their financial strength, manpower, weaponry, and their ability to secure their region. Other states and divisions lack this level of compact organization.

"The status the Wa have is not a political status granted by the Constitution; they obtained it due to specific circumstances. However, other states and regions lack that level of cohesive organization. Without that cohesion, we don't see the same capacity for self-sustenance and security as the Wa. No other group or ethnic organization has managed to organize a region as tightly as they have," Colonel Khun Okkar said.

Flags of Non-Bamar ethnic armed groups seen

He further noted that since the Wa maintain they will not secede, Shan State is unlikely to break apart. However, the administrative, legislative, and judicial reach of both the Shan State government and the central government remains weak over the Wa region.

Historical Timeline of Wa Autonomy 1989: The UWSA signed a ceasefire with the SLORC government, and the region was designated as "Shan State Special Region (2)."

2008 Constitution: Under Section 56(c), six townships—Hopang, Mongmau, Panwai, Nahpan, Metman, and Pangsang (Pankham)—were grouped to form the Wa Self-Administered Division.

2011: Administrative mechanisms were fully implemented after the new government took office following the 2010 elections.

The Wa leadership frequently asserts a policy of not seceding from the Union or declaring independence.

Current Self-Administered Zones in Myanmar Under the 2008 Constitution, there is one Self-Administered Division and five Self-Administered Zones: Type Region/Group Townships Included Division Wa Hopang, Mongmau, Panwai, Nahpan, Metman, Pangsang
Zone Kokang            Konkyan, Laukkaing (Shan State)
Zone Palaung (Ta'ang)   Namhsan, Mantong (Shan State)
Zone Danu            Ywangan, Pindaya (Shan State)
Zone Pa-O            Hopong, Hsihseng, Pinlaung (Shan State)
Zone Naga            Lahe, Leshi, Nanyun (Sagaing Region)