CNI News
13 December 2025

In Myanmar, the parliament (Hluttaw) and the government have traditionally operated in a mutually dependent relationship in governing the country. As a result, questions have arisen as to whether the parliament’s role is to oversee and check the government or to protect it.

Myanmar is scheduled to hold Phase (1) of its elections on December 28, 2025. Phase (2) will be held on January 11, 2026, and Phase (3) will take place in the final week of January.

After the elections, the new government that emerges is likely to be led jointly by the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Similarly, there is a strong likelihood that the parliament will also be dominated by the military and the USDP holding the majority of seats.

Because of this, many people are concerned that the parliament may end up functioning not as a body that checks and balances the government, but rather as one that protects it.

U Kyaw Htet, an independent candidate contesting in Dawbon Township, Yangon Region, told CNI News that if the post-election parliament operates as if it were part of the same group as the government, it could result in an ineffective and unclear political trajectory—an outcome that is cause for concern.

He said: “If a new government and parliament emerge after this election, it would mean that the legislative pillar is revived. If the government takes a wrong path, then the parliament should be able to step in and correct it. If more representatives who truly represent civilians and ethnic groups are elected, those voices will become louder. Since the voices in parliament represent the voice of the people, the government will not be able to force certain decisions and will instead have to negotiate and seek solutions. However, if the parliament moves forward as if it were part of the same group as the government, then the process becomes vague and ineffective. That is the worrying point. The government and parliament need to be distinct. We need clarity in the separation of responsibilities.”

The late Rakhine MP U U Hla Saw, who turned away from parliamentary politics and joined armed resistance

In Myanmar, the governments and parliaments that emerged from the 2010 and 2015 general elections developed a pattern of mutual protection. As a result, members of parliament from non-Bamar ethnic political parties experienced growing frustration with the parliamentary system.

Subsequently, some MPs even turned their backs on parliamentary politics altogether and joined armed resistance movements.

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of the Yangon Watch Group, told CNI News that national leaders and politically farsighted figures must make advance preparations to ensure that Myanmar does not end up with a parliament that merely protects the government.

She said: “The responsibilities of parliament are to legislate, to check and oversee the government, and to represent the people. Oversight of the government is one of the most important duties of MPs. Parliament does not have a duty to protect the government; it only has a duty to oversee it. The task of protecting the government will be done by the government itself and by the Ministry of Information. Parliament’s responsibility is solely to provide oversight. To prevent the emergence of a parliament that protects the government, national leaders and politically farsighted leaders must prepare in advance. The public must elect MPs who are capable of holding the government accountable. After electing them, the public must continuously monitor their representatives. If MPs are seen as failing to represent the people, the public should hold them accountable. People should be able to protest and lodge complaints with relevant political parties. If MPs act improperly, the public should speak out. The public must continue to oversee parliament.”

During the dispute over voter lists following the 2020 general election, there were calls for an emergency parliamentary session to address the issue.

U Win Myint serving as Speaker of Parliament

However, as the National League for Democracy (NLD) held strong dominance in parliament and the parliamentary speakers were also NLD members, those calls were ignored and the government was effectively protected.

Subsequently, on February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) removed the NLD government, citing its attempt to form a government without resolving the 2020 election disputes, and seized state power.

After the military takeover, parliamentary politics disappeared, and the three branches of power—judicial, legislative, and executive—were concentrated in the hands of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing alone.

As a result, political parties and pro-democracy activists are now striving to restore parliamentary politics after the elections are held.

CNI News
13 December 2025

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission, said that in order to eliminate corruption, all media organizations and the general public must work together and cooperate in collective efforts.

He made these remarks in a video message delivered at the ceremony marking International Anti-Corruption Day on December 9, 2025.

The Senior General stated that to foster a culture that does not tolerate corruption at all, and to prevent corrupt practices, it is necessary to place balanced emphasis on fundamental awareness-raising, preventive measures, and education.

He said:“In order to correctly distinguish between serving the public interest and pursuing personal gain, and to ensure that corrupt practices do not occur, civil servants, public officials, businesspeople, civil society organizations, media organizations, and the entire public must work together to collectively strive in anti-corruption efforts.”

He added that anyone who commits corruption by deviating from the state’s established objectives must be dealt with effectively and in accordance with the law, without favoritism or discrimination.

A journalist commented: “Calling for cooperation between journalists and the public to fight corruption is a good thing, and we welcome it. The key issue, however, is the establishment of an independent anti-corruption commission that will genuinely take action. The body currently formed in Myanmar is merely symbolic. Another point is that journalists know who is involved in corruption, who gives and receives bribes, and how business and opportunities are obtained through such practices. But even when we point this out and report on it, if there is no action taken, it achieves nothing. If there were genuine investigations and real enforcement that reach down to the grassroots level, the public would be eager to provide information, and journalists would also be ready to report. What is needed now is to act as stated and prove it through action first.”

In Myanmar, corruption has grown to a severe level and has come to harm the country’s social life and economy.

Political observers note that corruption among government employees and departmental bodies should be addressed with effective and concrete enforcement measures.

CNI News
13 December 2025

China has been carrying out numerous investments and projects in neighboring Myanmar. This has raised questions among the public as to whether China is engaging Myanmar primarily for economic reasons or for strategic interests.

China–Myanmar relations have now reached their 75th anniversary, and China’s stance toward Myanmar has been welcomed by the State Security and Peace Commission. 

However, following the political and military changes that took place in Myanmar after February 1, 2021, military and political analysts point out that China has become deeply involved and is exerting growing influence.

As long as political and military instability persists within Myanmar, China–Myanmar economic cooperation cannot be effectively implemented. China views Myanmar not so much as an economic opportunity but more as a strategic one, according to economic analyst U Htay Aung Kyi, who spoke to CNI News.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seen during a visit to China

He said:“As long as fighting continues among armed groups inside Myanmar, China’s western gateway will not be able to open. Its economic activities won’t be able to operate. China’s western gateway must pass through northern Shan State, Sagaing, Magway, and then Rakhine. As long as internal fighting continues in Myanmar, that western gateway cannot be opened. Even though it cannot be opened, for China, the opportunity lies more in strategy than in economics.I don’t recall the exact figures for China’s total investment volume or the data right now, but what I do remember is this: if you compare China’s total overseas investment with the amount it has invested in Myanmar, the share in Myanmar is not very large. At present, China does have business and economic interests in Myanmar, but the main interest is strategic.To put it briefly and straight to the point, China wants a situation in which it can operate inside Myanmar. Only then can it move forward.”

At present, China is exerting pressure and mediating to halt the fighting between the Myanmar military and the Northern Alliance groups (MNDAA, AA, TNLA) in northern Shan State. 

At the same time, China is also pressuring for towns along the Myanmar–China border trade routes to be handed back to the Myanmar military.

Currently, Myanmar has no country to rely on other than China, and therefore finds itself in a situation where it must comply with whatever assistance China requests, according to China–Myanmar affairs analyst Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, who spoke to CNI News.

TNLA monitoring the China–Myanmar border

She said:“They have no choice but to comply. Who else do they have? The statistics released by Yunnan Province really surprised me. After Yunnan’s trade volume with Vietnam, Yunnan’s trade with Laos is only about one-tenth or one-fifth of the value of Yunnan’s trade with Myanmar.Yunnan’s economic relationship with Myanmar is not insignificant. Why? Because Myanmar relies only on China, whereas Vietnam and Laos can also trade with other countries. That’s why they pay attention to Yunnan in trade. For Myanmar, its lifeline is Yunnan alone. Maintaining good relations with Yunnan is essential. That’s why it appears that Myanmar has to grant whatever assistance China asks for. And that’s also why China knows that only when Myanmar is peaceful, stable, and when the people are calm, can its projects succeed.”

At present, intense fighting between the Myanmar military and armed groups across the country has caused China–Myanmar border trade to come to a halt, and China’s projects and investments inside Myanmar have also been suspended.

As a result, during a meeting with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Russia in May 2025, Chinese President Xi Jinping stated that measures must be taken to ensure the safety and security of Chinese companies and employees in Myanmar, as well as Chinese projects and investments.

CNI News

12 December 2025

Regarding the leadership of the government that will emerge in Myanmar after the upcoming multi-party democratic general election, various assessments are being made among military and political analysts.

According to these analysts, there are currently three scenarios being discussed. Among them, the first scenario is that a government similar to the one led by former President U Thein Sein—one that strongly desires reforms—could come to power, leading the country back toward improvement. This was stated to CNI News by U Khun Sai, who is involved in the peace process.

He said,“Scenario number two is that Senior General Min Aung Hlaing might not take the top government post himself, but continue serving as Commander-in-Chief of the military. Then he would appoint someone he trusts as the leader of the government. If that happens, things could improve to some extent. But it wouldn’t be as good as the first scenario. The second scenario has some positive sides, but it’s still uncertain.Scenario number three is that Min Aung Hlaing himself becomes the government leader. If that happens, he will be holding complete control—leading the military on one side and leading the government on the other. In that situation, those of us on the revolutionary side will obviously continue our struggle. Most of our revolutionary forces would need to rely more heavily on ourselves. Unlike before, financial support from our people abroad has decreased and so has international assistance, and if we do not receive recognition, we will face many hardships. It seems that U Min Aung Hlaing and his circle have already calculated these factors. So, of the three scenarios, we hope for the first one. And we pray that scenarios two and three do not happen.”

Political parties meeting with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing

He added that if the third scenario—where Senior General Min Aung Hlaing leads both the government and the military—comes true, Myanmar will continue to struggle.

U Khin Yi, Chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said on 27 November 2025, during a campaign event in Pathein, Ayeyarwady Region, that if the next government cannot closely cooperate with the military, it will collapse the very next day. Based on that argument, he urged voters to cast their ballots for the USDP.

Analysts say that if the civilian government that emerges after the election cannot effectively operate administrative mechanisms amid widespread armed conflicts, it may have to hand power back to the military.

At present, the National League for Democracy (NLD)—the party that usually wins the most seats in Myanmar’s elections—is not expected to participate in the upcoming election, and its leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other members remain in detention.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Therefore, U Khun Sai said he does not expect Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or members of the NLD to be granted freedom before the election.

He said,“What should be done is obvious—we don’t need to say it. President U Thein Sein already did the right thing in the past. But what is more likely now is something similar to what former Senior General Than Shwe did—releasing Daw Suu only after the election. Why? Because if she is released before the election, things could become chaotic or the election might even be disrupted. At this time, it would be even worse. So I don’t think the authorities will give any freedom to Daw Suu or the NLD before the election. As for the upcoming election, no matter what, the party led by the military will certainly win. There is no doubt about that.”

During the period of former Senior General Than Shwe, an election was held and state power was later transferred to a government led by U Thein Sein. At that time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released and numerous political changes took place.

Military and political analysts are hoping that a similar situation may arise again after the upcoming election.

CNI Interview

11 December 2025

The Myanmar National League for Democracy (NLD) government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was removed by the military (Tatmadaw) on February 1, 2021, after the military alleged that the government attempted to form a government without resolving disputes over the voter list.

After that, protests against the military took place, and armed groups, pro-democracy activists, political parties, NLD leaders, and MPs tried to bring down the military regime.

During this period of armed resistance, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) provided support by helping form armed groups, giving military training, and supplying weapons and ammunition, attempting to help topple the Myanmar military.

On the other hand, the KIA has also been trying to implement its own objectives of liberation across northern and north-western Myanmar—Kachin State, Sagaing Region, Chin State, and Rakhine State—by conducting operations aiming to control Sagaing Region.

One of the major obstacles to the KIA’s goals is the Shanni (Tai Leng) people and the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA). The KIA has been launching attacks against Shanni communities and Shanni armed groups.

Regarding these issues, CNI News interviewed Sai Htay Aung, Chairman of the Tai Leng (Shanni) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP).

Q: Between overthrowing dictatorship and self-determination, which is more feasible for the EAOs under the current circumstances?

A:These EAOs have been fighting for decades. At this point, they are already well-experienced in revolution. They will act primarily for their own interests.

Even behind the slogan of overthrowing dictatorship, EAOs themselves should do self-reflection. They, too, exercise authoritarian power.

A government operates under the law and commands the military under constitutional authority. But EAOs have no law. They punish and largely execute anyone they consider guilty. In some cases, they are even more frightening dictators than the actual dictatorship. Students experienced the same thing after the 1988 uprising.

Today, students say they will not repeat the mistakes of 1988 in 2021. But what is happening now looks very similar to 1988. Sooner or later, the students and PDFs who are now fighting dictatorship will also be expelled by EAOs.

In 1994, after the KIO/KIA signed a ceasefire with the SLORC government, they expelled the ABSDF North group from their territory in 1996.PDFs today will face the same outcome.

Q: After TNLA entered a ceasefire, revolutionary groups seem to be gravitating toward the KIA. Why can’t the military control the KIA?

A:We heard that the KIA gave jade-mining rights in Hpakant to top leaders of the Spring Revolution groups—AA leaders, CNF, Naga armed groups, etc.

When the KIA grants taxation rights and business concessions, those groups depend on the KIA. If they don't cooperate, they lose their privileges.This is economic and territorial leverage.

Q: Does that mean the KIA is getting stronger?

A:Many Kachin people are fatigued with the KIA’s long war. For example, in the Bhamo battle, many Kachin people died.But the circle of people who benefit from the KIA or work closely with it still supports them.

How strong the KIA becomes depends largely on the current and future governments.

When the KIA is weak, it makes ceasefires. When the KIA grows strong, it attacks the government again.

This has happened repeatedly—five or six times at least.If the government analyzes this properly and can fully disarm the KIA, more than half the country could achieve peace.

Q: If a ceasefire with the KIA cannot be achieved, what situation will the military face?

A: A ceasefire alone won’t solve everything. The fire the KIA started is now burning in Rakhine as well.If negotiations fail, the government must find a military approach.

Q: What is the political and military situation in Kachin areas now?

A:The KIA is skilled at balancing politics and military action. Even if they do not fight directly, they can put pressure on the government in some places using groups they support.

For example, during our election campaigns in Mohnyin and Mogaung, battles frequently break out between PDFs and SNA or the Tatmadaw.This is not unrelated to the KIA’s influence.

Previously, the KIA had not armed PDFs in large numbers. But right before election season, they distributed weapons.

Thus, clashes increased. In recent days, battles broke out near Moekaung’s 8-mile junction and Nanmar. These are forms of intimidation.

Therefore, even if the KIA does not openly obstruct elections, they can still manipulate areas through groups they support.

Q: Why would the KIA arm PDFs?

A:Since the arming happened right before elections, it is clearly election-related.

Usually, when the KIA wants to launch operations, it arms PDFs, and when operations end, it takes the weapons back.

But starting from the 1st of last month, the KIA fully armed PDFs from Nanmar and Moenyin areas, and then battles often broke out..

Q: What is the situation now in the Shanni areas of Sagaing?

A: In areas without elections like Banmauk, battles continue. We heard the SNA has regained about half of Banmauk town. But the town is burning. PDFs, while retreating, burned houses.

SNA forces reportedly recaptured zones where the hotels are located. But because PDFs retreat and torch houses, people fear Banmauk may turn entirely into ashes.

Q: How should the situation in Banmauk and Shanni areas be handled? Especially regarding security?

A: In Kachin areas, if the KIA reaches political negotiations, the government must control PDFs from Sagaing and Magway through the KIA.

Shanni people have never betrayed the state. They have never acted to destroy the country.

If the state wants to “manage” the KIA, the Shanni people have their own people’s militia and the SNA.

If the state arms the Shanni properly, they can control the KIA militarily and politically.

This was done before the 1994 ceasefire as well, when Shanni forces were armed to pressure the KIA into talks.

Today, the Shanni have grown in strength.What they lack is weapons. If the state arms the Shanni, it would greatly benefit national peace.This is not about instigating ethnic conflict—this is for national peace.

Q: So the current problem is that the SNA cannot match the KIA militarily?

A: That’s correct. It’s a weapons issue. Politically, we can talk to them. But with weapons, we can speak with more authority.

Q: How do you view the role of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar’s political landscape?

A: I don’t really want to criticize Daw Suu’s role too much. Because back during U Thein Sein’s administration, when she also cooperated and participated, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s political power was not small at all. A lot will also depend on the next government that the current administration will transfer power to. If she is released and re-enters the political scene, she will again be someone who can speak to and mobilize the whole country. Her political influence is quite significant.

Q: Under U Than Shwe’s rule, Daw Suu was under house arrest. Then during U Thein Sein’s term, she reached an agreement under the 2008 Constitution and re-entered politics through the by-election. Based on the current situation, is there a possibility for Daw Suu to contest elections again under the 2008 Constitution? If the government offers it, do you think she would accept? How do you see it?

A: As I said earlier, it depends heavily on the government that comes in. I think the new government will learn lessons from all the issues that happened during the old SLORC/SPDC era and from the events during U Thein Sein’s time, and will act accordingly.

Q: If that is the case, can Myanmar’s political landscape progress without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

A: Even if she is no longer present, there can be gradual changes. The reason is— we already experienced one period of her leadership and participation over those five years. All her actions were based on the people. So if she is no longer in the scene, the momentum may not be as strong, but I expect gradual changes to still happen.

Q: Then how would the international community view a political landscape where Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is absent?

A: The international community will be similar. Even before Daw Aung San Suu Kyi appeared on the scene, our country existed and stood on its own. Now too, after her absence, things will gradually develop. Looking at the SAC, you can see it. At first, the international community imposed full sanctions. But gradually, the government began achieving success in diplomatic engagements. Later, it also gained some political success. In the same way, by continuing step by step, things can progress.

CNI News

10 December 2025

The Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) may attempt to reopen the Mandalay–Muse trade highway at any cost, according to Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO–NCA/S), speaking to CNI News.

Major towns along the Mandalay–Lashio–Muse highway include Naungcho, Kyaukme, Hsipaw, Lashio, Hsenni, Kutkai, and Muse.

The Mandalay–Lashio–Muse highway is the main road supporting China–Myanmar border trade. However, due to military operations by MNDAA, KIA, and TNLA forces, trade along the route has come to a halt.

After the Myanmar military launched offensives to retake Naungcho, Hsipaw, and Kyaukme—towns seized and controlled by the TNLA—the military succeeded in regaining them. Recently, it also regained control of Mogok and Momeik.

A view of the Muse 105-Mile trade zone (Photo: Mekong News)

Following the recapture of Mogok and Mongmit—both controlled by the TNLA—the next steps could include reopening the Mandalay–Muse trade highway at all costs, said Colonel Khun Okkar of PNLO–NCA/S.

He said: “This is like moving step by step. The agreement reached on October 29 was implemented on November 29 and 30. I believe more steps will follow.The next steps may involve positioning military forces necessary to reopen the Mandalay–Muse trade highway. I think this will come gradually.I believe they will reopen the Mandalay–Muse road no matter what. Why? Because they have already negotiated with the Kokang, and the ‘Wa’ that has long been the military’s allies. For China, this road is crucial for reopening trade routes and continuing work.When China’s interests, Myanmar’s interests, and the military’s interests all align, negotiations could lead to progress.”

Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, a China–Myanmar affairs analyst, also told CNI News that the Mandalay–Muse road may reopen soon, which would allow some economic breathing room.

TNLA troops inspecting trucks leaving the Muse 105-Mile trade zone (Photo: Mekong News)

She said:“The Mandalay–Muse road is likely to reopen. Why? Because China has reopened all its border gates; on the KIA side, they have opened almost all their gates—five in total. This aligns with Yunnan Province’s strategy of transporting raw materials from Myanmar through these border gates to Yunnan, building factories there, and producing value-added goods. Economically, this could provide some breathing space.However, given the military’s underlying mentality—which does not prioritize public welfare—retail and wholesale economic burdens and public dissatisfaction will still remain. In the short term, the economy may stabilize to some extent.”

Analysts note that if the military regains full control of the Mandalay–Muse highway, it would dominate not only the entire northern Shan region but also China–Myanmar border trade.

Currently, China and the Myanmar military have agreed to reopen the Mandalay–Lashio–Muse trade highway.

However, the TNLA has maintained its stance that it will collect taxes from trucks using the route, while China and the military do not accept tax collection by the TNLA. Negotiations remain ongoing.

CNI News

10 December 2025

Although the United States has recently shown a more favorable view toward Myanmar, China is not worried that the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) might shift toward the Western bloc, according to political and military analysts who spoke to CNI News.

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security announced on November 24 that it was ending Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Myanmar nationals, claiming that Myanmar is preparing for elections and showing visible improvements in governance.

Immediately after the U.S. announcement, Myanmar’s National Defense and Security Council closed all ongoing cases filed under Penal Code Section 505(a) and granted amnesties, a move analysts say was intended to show alignment with the U.S. position.

A political analyst told CNI News that because the U.S. ended TPS for its own national interests, China is not concerned that the Myanmar military will move closer to the U.S. or Western nations.

Flags of Myanmar and the United States

He said,“China won’t worry that much. As I mentioned earlier, they understand what’s going on.Why? Because Donald Trump never said anything like, ‘We support Myanmar’s election,’ or ‘The election is legitimate and important for restoring democracy,’ like China would say. The U.S. only said the situation had normalized enough based on their own interests, and that’s why they ended TPS.So China isn’t worried that the Myanmar military will follow the U.S. or join the Western bloc. They are confident the Myanmar military will never side with the U.S. They know that very well. So China is not really concerned.”

Analysts note that U.S. President Donald Trump appears to be attempting to shift U.S. policy toward Myanmar, and that the Myanmar military, in turn, seems to be taking positive actions toward the U.S. movement.

Since the outbreak of armed conflict in Myanmar after 2021, the revolutionary forces have been supported by the Western bloc, including the U.S., while China has mediated between the military and certain ethnic armed organizations.

Chinese Special Envoy Mr. Deng Xijun meeting Senior General Min Aung Hlaing

Colonel Khun Okkar, chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI News that China pays little attention to these recent U.S. statements because China itself is deeply involved in Myanmar’s political affairs.

He said,“China isn’t worried. China is directly involved in Myanmar’s affairs. From the Kokang issue to the Lashio issue, China has stepped into Myanmar territory and is managing things. So China won’t care much about a soft statement from the U.S.”

Myanmar will hold Election Phase (1) on December 28, 2025 in 102 townships, Phase (2) on January 11, 2026 in 100 townships, and Phase (3) in the last week of January 2026.

CNI News

10 December 2025

In Myanmar, politicians increasingly fail to listen to the voices of the majority of citizens and instead make people listen only to what they themselves want to say or do. As a result, public trust and confidence in them have been declining, according to political observers.

Analysts point out that politicians and political parties only meet with the public and listen a little to public opinion when elections draw near. However, whether they win a parliamentary seat or not, they no longer listen to the voices of the people after the election.

They add that Myanmar’s political journey is a long-term process that must move step by step beyond polarization, division, and antagonistic politics, towards the flourishing of a diverse range of ideas and choices.

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of the Yangon Watch Organization, told CNI News that the decline in politicians’ ability to listen stems from Myanmar’s long history of isolationist policies.

PP Party campaign

She said,“Generally, in our country, political culture was not properly taught in schools from a young age. We never had schools that effectively trained students in the fundamental qualities needed to build a positive political culture. Especially in politics, personality cults became widespread. Because the political system was based on these cults, the issue of intolerance among politicians was never clearly visible in the past. But since the start of the democratic period, we began to see that politicians’ ability to listen to the people was very limited.For nearly three centuries, our country practiced an isolationist policy. As a consequence, just like the politicians, those who govern the country also lack the ability to listen to the majority of citizens.When elections are near, these patterns become more evident during campaign periods.”

Regarding the need for public political awareness, observers note that the public themselves must make an effort to supplement their political knowledge. 
By doing so, the public not only benefits their own interests but also contributes to the national interest, national development, and the emergence of a healthy political system.

Dr. Aung Myo, an independent candidate from Zabuthiri Township, told CNI News that politicians act based on personal ambition, refuse to give space to others, and behave as if anyone who disagrees with them is an enemy—a form of “liberalism in name only.”

Political parties campaigning

He said,“The weakness in listening comes mainly from politicians only doing what they themselves want, without giving others a chance or showing respect.We see this in the NUG and PDFs as well—they only see people as friends or foes, and they don’t listen to those in between.Frankly, liberals are not thriving. What they call ‘liberal’ isn’t real liberalism. These people are just wearing a liberal mask—if they think ‘you’re not like me, so you’re my enemy,’ how can they be true liberals?They insist only their view should be heard, and they reject others’ views. This has turned into a kind of exaggerated national character.It mainly happens because they prioritize personal ego. And because they can’t tolerate criticism, they turn into fake liberals.”

Observers warn the public to be cautious of politicians who, in this multi-party democratic era, frequently use terms like “national politics” to portray themselves as selflessly working for Myanmar’s benefit, while in reality serving their own interests.

In Myanmar, Election Phase (1) will be held on December 28, 2025, Phase (2) on January 1, 2026, and Phase (3) in the last week of January 2026.

During the campaign period, politicians and political parties are actively conducting voter outreach activities. But after the election, political parties and politicians tend to distance themselves from the public.

CNI News

9 December 2025

In Myanmar, if one does not have money when engaging in politics, it is necessary to possess political influence, said political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw in an interview with CNI News.

The countries with strong influence tend to be powerful in political, military, or economic terms, and therefore they must make efforts to build political power and influence, which has been previously expressed by Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.

When discussing politics, concepts of party politics and national politics often come together, and party politics can effectively be described as power politics, because political parties compete to gain state power.

If one lacks political influence and does not have money, doing politics becomes extremely difficult, and democracy is somewhat expensive, said political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw.

Political parties

He explained:“When you do politics, even if you have no money, you must at least have political influence. If you have influence, the public will support you, and you can continue operating through party membership fees, contributions, donations, and so on. But if you don’t have political influence and you also don’t have money, then doing politics becomes very difficult. Yet there is no alternative way either. Democracy is, in a sense, a little expensive. As the saying goes, ‘Democracy is very expensive.’ So, one way or another, it is costly. If you don’t have money, you have to work harder to build political influence.”

He added that in today’s context, how the general public interprets, understands, and takes responsibility in politics has become very important. Politics, he explained, is nation-building through people with different perspectives and values working together for the national interest.

In Myanmar today, wealthy individuals are building political influence by mobilizing the public with money, said Dawbon Township independent parliamentary candidate U Kyaw Htet.

Political parties

He said:“There are gaps in public knowledge regarding democracy and politics. The political environment is such that people tend to misunderstand who is a politician and who is merely an influencer. We see that politics is being shaped by those who have money — they can easily mobilize people with money and build political influence through shortcuts. They promote themselves and approach the public as if that alone makes them politicians. Some people mistakenly think that is what politics is. The public still lacks understanding of who a true politician is and who sincerely builds politics with true political spirit. Because democratic culture is still not understood to the extent it should be, these things are happening.”

Political analysts point out that although politics arises from differing values, interests, and goals, that does not mean these differences must always be resolved through confrontation.

Under the Political Parties Registration Law enacted on January 31, 2023, any political party seeking to organize nationwide must have 50,000 members and open more than 100 party offices.

Analysts explain that this law has led political parties to rely heavily on businesspeople for financial support, resulting in business elites increasingly exerting influence over political parties and building political power within them.