CNI News

February 27, 2026

A coordination meeting on space technology cooperation between Myanmar and Russia was held in Yangon on February 25, 2026.

At the meeting, the Russian delegation was led by H.E. Dmitry Vladimirovich Bakanov, Director General of the State Corporation for Space Activities “Roscosmos.” The Myanmar delegation was led by Dr. Soe Myint Maung, Chief Executive Officer of the Myanmar Space Agency (MSA).

According to a statement released from Naypyidaw, both sides discussed and coordinated matters related to Russia–Myanmar cooperation in space technology.

After the meeting, H.E. Dmitry Vladimirovich Bakanov and his delegation visited the Space Museum on Alone Road in Dagon Township, where they met with middle and high school students from the Practicing High School (Kamayut Township). They also delivered lectures on space technology.

Similarly, Mr. Sergei Konstantinovich Krikalev — a recipient of the title Hero of the Soviet Union and Hero of the Russian Federation, and a cosmonaut — shared his experiences regarding space flights.

CNI News

February 27, 2026

Following the news that Bo Nagar, leader of the Burma National Revolutionary Army (BNRA), along with his deputy and three others, surrendered to the Tatmadaw, military and political analysts are weighing in on the potential impact on the revolution.

Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, an observer of China-Myanmar affairs, told CNI News that the surrender of a single individual like Bo Nagar is unlikely to cause the revolution to collapse.

"Our revolution will keep moving forward. Any revolution has its strengths, weaknesses, ups, and downs. For example, if our unity suddenly fractures, we must investigate why it happened, examine it, and then correct our course. It is impossible for the entire revolution to falter just because Bo Nagar surrendered. This is because a revolution does not depend on a single person or a single organization. As long as the public remains resolute against this military—determined to uproot the fascist army—the revolution will maintain its momentum. There will be ebbs and flows, of course," she said.

Nay Pyi Taw previously released a statement claiming that on February 18, Naing Lin (aka Nagar), the leader of the BNRA, and his family members—followed by the deputy leader and five others on February 20—entered the "legal fold" along with weapons and ammunition.

Map/Area of Sagaing Region.

Bo Nagar was a prominent figure who fought for five years following the 2021 political shift. He led the formation of the Pale Township People's Defense Force, which was later reorganized as the Myanmar Royal Dragon Army (MRDA) in 2022.

In 2023, he formed the Burma National Revolutionary Army (BNRA) from the MRDA. Operating in Yinmabin District and Pale Township, the group stood as an independent revolutionary force not under the direct command of the National Unity Government (NUG).

Sagaing Region, the largest of the seven regions, is surrounded by Magway, Mandalay, Shan State, Chin State, Kachin State, and the Indian border. In the current revolutionary landscape, the Myanmar military and various armed groups, including Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), are competing for control over this strategic region.

U Thein Tun Oo, Executive Director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, told CNI News that many armed groups that emerged at the start of the Spring Revolution lacked a clear and firm political roadmap as they moved forward. He suggested that if the NUG-PDFs continue on their current path, they may eventually vanish.

NUG Minister of Defense, U Yee Mon.

"We have said this from the beginning. If the NUG-PDF continues on a path that was fundamentally flawed from its inception, there is no reason for it to succeed. We predicted they would disappear eventually," U Thein Tun Oo said. "When individuals who joined the revolution based on personal feelings and ideologies re-evaluate whether their path is right or wrong, they may choose to surrender. To put it simply, those following an incorrect ideology and a broken roadmap will eventually have to choose the right side. If the NUG-PDF continues to hold onto a mistaken path, they too will eventually disappear."

Following the political changes on February 1, 2021, numerous new armed groups emerged across Myanmar alongside existing Ethnic Armed Organizations.

Regarding the surrender of Bo Nagar and his comrades, Phoe Shoke, the commander of Yinmabin District Battalion 19 under the NUG, wrote on social media: "There is still a group on the ground that acts exactly like Nagar; the PLA (Communist) will prove this situation."

CNI News

February 27, 2026

Military and political analysts are pointing out the necessity of territorial demarcation among Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) due to frequent territorial disputes.

Recently, in Kutkai Township, Northern Shan State, administrative rivalries emerged between the MNDAA (Kokant Army) and the TNLA (Ta'ang Army). This led to altercations and the imposition of restrictive inspections on the movement of local civilians.

Locals reported that the friction between the MNDAA and TNLA was also evident during recent earthquake relief efforts; TNLA members reportedly intervened while MNDAA members were collecting funds, leading to physical brawls.

Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, a China-Myanmar affairs analyst, told CNI News that territorial demarcation is essential among EAOs. She noted that since these disputes involve not just administration but also self-interests like taxation, clearly defined borders could reduce the likelihood of conflict.

TNLA and MNDAA forces seen inside Kutkai.

"Territorial demarcation is necessary because a systematic administrative system needs to be built. In some places, there are no defined boundaries. When boundaries are missing, there should be negotiations. If districts overlap, they could implement joint administration or take turns. They used to do that. I don’t know if they are doing it now, but boundaries must be set. Conflicts arise not just over administration, but over tax collection. When self-interest is involved, the conflict escalates. Therefore, there must be clear definitions and rules on how to resolve issues when they arise. The leaders likely have these rules, but sometimes the grassroots levels act out of emotion," she said.

Following "Operation 1027," which began on October 27, 2023, in Northern Shan State, the TNLA has faced territorial and administrative rivalries with the KIA, MNDAA, and SSPP. Currently, Northern Shan State sees active presence from the TNLA, KIA, MNDAA, AA, SSPP, and UWSA, alongside people's militias and PDF forces.

Political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News that while territories might be demarcated amidst ongoing conflicts, such arrangements would only be temporary. He believes territorial disputes will only truly end when a peace process agreed upon by all parties is reached.

Members of the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA).

"When you take up arms, everyone wants to claim 'this is my territory.' However, I want to see the civil war end quickly and move toward a political landscape that is fair and agreed upon by all. In my opinion, dividing territories like this shouldn't happen. But by the nature of being armed, there will be 'your territory' and 'my territory.' Only when we reach a political settlement will these disputes end. Any demarcation before peace is achieved is just temporary. In Northern Shan State, multiple ethnicities live in a single town. You can't just separate the people based on who controls the area. You can't say 'only Palaung live here' or 'only Chinese live there' because the population is intermingled. Therefore, problems will persist," he explained.

Currently, across Myanmar, battles for territorial control and dominance are occurring between the Myanmar military and armed groups, as well as among the armed groups themselves. The KIA is conducting operations in Kachin State, Shan State, and Sagaing Region, leading to clashes with the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) and the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw), as well as disagreements with the Naga armed group (NSCN).

CNI News

February 27, 2026

U Chin Maung, Chairman of the Peace-making Committee for the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang/Anmai (NSCN–K/AM), told CNI News that they absolutely reject the "Naga Unit" proposed by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), asserting that the KIA is pursuing a political path based on ethnocentrism (Great-Race Chauvinism).

KIA leader Lieutenant General Gun Maw recently stated that they have designated specific zones: the Chin Unit, Kachin Unit, Naga Unit, and the "Ka-Thone-Lone" area (Kanbalu-Kawlin-Katha). He claimed that by controlling these regions, they would seize and manage the entirety of upper and lower Myanmar.

Lt. Gen. Gun Maw made these remarks during the 65th Kachin Revolution Day ceremony held on February 5, 2026, in Texas, USA.

U Chin Maung of the NSCN–K/AM clarified that their own political trajectory is not based on "units," and they firmly reject the KIA’s designation.

"I don’t know in what context the KIA is using the term 'Unit.' Our path is not about units; we are on the path toward Naga Independence. We have absolutely no involvement with them on this matter. Regardless, Nagas and Kachins have traditionally lived like brothers. However, we don't know what they mean by 'Naga Unit' or who they are referring to. We reject their 'Unit' roadmap. In my view, as we strive for independence, they are using a chauvinistic approach. They label areas adjacent to their territory as 'Units'—for instance, calling Shan areas the 'Shan Unit.' They are building a political path based on chauvinism, and I absolutely cannot accept that," U Chin Maung said.

KIA Lt. Gen. Gun Maw and a map of Sagaing Region.

Lt. Gen. Gun Maw had argued that for the security of Kachin State, they must intercept the enemy (the Myanmar Military) starting from Sagaing Region. He stated that to control Sagaing, they must implement the "Ka-Thone-Lone" operation alongside the Chin and Naga Units. He believes that controlling Sagaing Region provides the key to controlling both Northern and Southern Myanmar.

However, the KIA has not publicly clarified which specific areas are designated as the "Naga Unit" or which Naga organizations were consulted in making this determination.

Currently, the KIA provides military training and arms to the Eastern Naga National Organization (ENNO/ENDA) and the Naga PDF (NPDF), who are fighting the Myanmar Military and the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) in Sagaing Region and Kachin State.

U Chin Maung further noted that the KIA appears to be seizing an opportunity within the current Myanmar crisis to establish its own administration. He added that the NSCN-K/AM intends to issue a formal statement rejecting the "Naga Unit" concept.

NSCN-K/YA and the proposed Naga Unit area.

"As we understand it, 'units' were used in the past by the Bamars, who formed ethnic units under their command—like the Kayah Unit or Chin Unit. Early after independence, there were units stationed in Naga territory under Bamar policy. Now, the Kachins are doing something similar, perhaps not under the KIA name but under the 'Wunpawng' banner. I see them treating Naga armed groups as if they are part of their own force structure. That is what is actually happening. In the current landscape of Myanmar, it looks like they are taking an opportunity to govern the Nagas. We have no personal issues with the Kachin people, but the NSCN absolutely rejects this terminology. We don't know which group they are coordinating with to say this, but we do not accept the 'Unit' designation issued by the KIA," he said.

While the exact boundaries of the KIA’s "Naga Unit" remain unclear, observers are questioning whether it refers to the Naga Self-Administered Zone in Sagaing Region, or a broader collection of territories including Hkamti, Homalin, and Tamu.

Regional sources suggest that Naga armed groups based in Myanmar are considering a "Naga Unit" territory that spans from Tanai-Shinbwiyang in Kachin State down through the Naga Self-Administered Zone, Hkamti, Homalin, Shwe Pyi Aye, Phaungpyin, and Tamu in Sagaing Region.

CNI News

February 26, 2026

In light of the political landscape that may emerge under Myanmar’s upcoming new government, the Shanni people should prepare through political and military consultation, said Sai Htay Aung, Chairman of the Tai-Leng (Shanni) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), in an interview with CNI News.

He said: “I believe political and military matters should be discussed and prepared in order to reach a solution. We cannot achieve our ultimate goal simply by fighting, given our strength. Therefore, we will have to resolve matters politically. To gain political advantage, there must be repeated meetings and discussions — understanding what their objectives are and what ours are. Previously, things were only spoken about on paper and verbally. But now, when it comes to actual implementation, we must examine the political situation and prepare what we are going to say at the right time. As a party, we have prepared to implement four work plans.”

In the 2025 general election, the TNDP (also known locally as the Red Tiger Party) contested in Kachin State and won one Shan ethnic parliamentary seat, along with one seat in the Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) and two seats in the State Parliament through the proportional representation (PR) system — totaling four seats.

Sai Htay Aung, Chairman of the TNDP (also known locally as the Red Tiger Party)

Similarly, the SSP Party (locally called the Tiger King Party) contested in Sagaing Region and won one Shan ethnic seat along with seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House), Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House), and the Regional Parliament — totaling four seats.

The main political objective of the Shanni people is either to obtain a separate Shanni State or to gain a Shanni Self-Administered Division.

They seek to combine areas formerly ruled by Shanni Sawbwas, including Hkamti, Homalin, Kale, and Tamu in upper Sagaing Region, as well as Mohnyin, Mogaung, Bhamo, and Myitkyina in Kachin State, into a single self-administered state.

According to Section 6 of the 1947 Constitution, districts such as Myitkyina, Mohnyin, and Bhamo — considered Shanni areas — were incorporated into Kachin State without the consent of the Shanni people, despite their opposition.

Similarly, other Shanni areas — including Kale, Hkamti, Mawlaik, Kathar, and Tamu districts — were incorporated into Sagaing Region following the drafting of the 1974 Constitution.

Currently, since their territories are divided between Kachin State and Sagaing Region, political and military observers believe the Shanni people are in a politically marginalized position.

To implement their political and military objectives, the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) was formed in 1989. It has frequently clashed with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) over territorial control and ethnic affairs.

Shanni nationalities seen

After the political changes in Myanmar since 2021, the role of the SNA has expanded, and it has increased its territorial control.

Sai Htay Aung stated that the Shanni political issue cannot be resolved through military decision alone and that political strength must be prepared in advance.

He added: “If we speak about political objectives, implementation is necessary. Militarily, no matter what method is used, even forces stronger than the SNA cannot achieve final military victory. Therefore, political resolution is the only way forward. Armed struggle exists to support political decisions. Once a genuine political resolution is achieved, there would be no need to hold weapons. The same applies to the KIA. Even if they are strong and fight, it doesn’t mean they will get all the territories they fight for. When political decisions are made, especially if the government relies on the 2008 Constitution, it may only result in loss of lives without achieving their goals. For the SNA, it is time to firmly prepare to stand strong on the political platform. Now that our two Shanni parties have reached both the Pyithu Hluttaw and Amyotha Hluttaw, what will we do? From our side, we will strive to fulfill the promises we made to the public during the campaign.”

Political and military observers note that Shanni politics is a crucial component of peace in northern Myanmar.

The Shanni population is estimated at around one million people living across Kachin State and Sagaing Region. They have formally demanded statehood during the 21st Century Panglong Conference (Union Peace Conference).

The SNA is also working to regain Shanni State by consolidating districts in Sagaing Region — Mawlaik, Kale, Hkamti, Kathar, and Tamu — along with Bhamo, Myitkyina, Mohnyin districts and Mogaung area in Kachin State.

CNI News

February 26, 2026

The public in Kutkai Township, Northern Shan State, is facing significant hardships due to competing administrations between the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), according to Lwe Pakyaingza, a spokesperson for the Ta'ang Women's Organization (TWO), in an interview with CNI News.

According to local residents, disputes over regional administration and friction between the TNLA and MNDAA began on February 13, 2026. These tensions have reportedly escalated to a point where they are beginning to take on the characteristics of an inter-ethnic conflict. Although Kutkai has been under the TNLA control following "Operation 1027," MNDAA troops have also entered and established positions within the town.

Following scuffles between the two armed groups, locals reported that the MNDAA has tightened security at the entrances and exits of Hsenwi, specifically targeting and inspecting members of the Ta'ang ethnic group.

Lwe Pakyaingza of the TWO told CNI News that while the issue originated between the two armed groups, it is now targeting civilians and shifting toward an ethnic conflict.

Statement issued by Ta'ang organizations regarding the conflict between TNLA and MNDAA.

"The problem is shifting toward the public, and as a civil society organization, we find this unacceptable," she said. "When there is administrative rivalry in a single town, friction and tensions are bound to happen on the ground. Sometimes, lobbyists organize and incite further tension. We see provocations both on the ground and on online platforms to escalate military tension."

She further warned that if these provocations lead to ethnic-based restrictions and travel bans, it will heighten conflict between the communities. "It is better for the groups to resolve their issues between themselves. The conflict between the armed groups is not a conflict between the local people or the ethnic groups. However, if it takes the form of a conflict between two ethnicities, the situation will become harder to control and tensions will likely worsen."

A local resident in Kyaukme, Northern Shan State, told CNI News that the conflict stems from an unfair or unclear division of territory following Operation 1027.

Leaders of the AA, MNDAA, and TNLA.

"During Operation 1027, they acted as the Three Brotherhood Alliance. However, after the operations, the territorial boundaries were not divided fairly or clearly. This lack of clarity has led to the current overlapping issues. It’s quite evident that the failure to properly delineate seized territories after Operation 1027 is causing these problems," the resident explained.

Ta'ang civil society organizations pointed out that most locals currently find it extremely difficult to distinguish between true and false information due to poor access to news sources and internet connectivity. This environment makes it easy for provocateurs to incite anger, leading to fears that the situation could devolve into a communal conflict.

Despite being members of the Brotherhood Alliance (MNDAA, TNLA, and AA), the MNDAA and TNLA have frequently experienced territorial disputes and internal clashes in Northern Shan State.

CNI News

February 26, 2026

Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) are reportedly receiving financial support from certain major foreign countries and providing terrorist training and weapons to revolutionaries, according to Vice Chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission, Vice Senior General Soe Win.

He made the remarks on February 24, 2026, during visits to local military units in Naung Wo, Kyaingkham, and Mongpyin in Shan State, where he met with officers, soldiers, and their families.

Vice Senior General Soe Win said: “Some EAOs that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and some that have not signed it are accepting and sheltering youths and certain civil servants who fled to border areas due to political developments, under the pretext of humanitarian assistance. They are receiving financial support from certain major foreign countries, providing terrorist training, equipping them with weapons, and encouraging them to carry out terrorist acts. Due to instigation and agitation by internal and external organizations that do not desire stability and peace, as well as destructive media, various terrorist groups have emerged, including the so-called People’s Defense Force (PDF), which is under the illegal CRPH-NUG. These groups have been carrying out terrorist acts. Therefore, the Tatmadaw, together with members of the Myanmar Police Force and peace-loving citizens, is suppressing them in accordance with the law.”

Vice Senior General seen

On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) overthrew the NLD government, claiming that disputes over the voter lists in the 2020 general election had not been resolved and that the government was attempting to form an administration without addressing those issues.

Subsequently, some NLD party leaders, Members of Parliament, pro-democracy activists, armed groups, and youths organized and launched armed resistance to overthrow the Myanmar military.

The armed revolution has been led by groups including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Karen National Union (KNU), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Arakan Army (AA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Chin National Front (CNF), and the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), which have been providing military training and weapons to young people.

Currently, intense armed clashes are taking place across Myanmar. Around four million people have been displaced, and more than 100,000 homes and buildings have been destroyed by fire.

CNI News

February 25, 2026

Military and political analysts told CNI News that if leadership positions within Myanmar’s government are composed solely of ethnic Bamar individuals, the peace process could be delayed.

They pointed out that throughout successive governments in Myanmar’s history, the key leadership roles of the state have largely been dominated by the Bamar ethnic majority.

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), which is a signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), told CNI News that it would not be appropriate for a single Bamar ethnic party that won the majority of seats to govern alone. Instead, ethnic leaders should be included according to their respective regions, and power should be shared.

He said: “I have advised this since the time when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was leading. Even if a single Bamar nationalist party wins the majority and forms the government, it would not work well. Why? Because a national unity government is needed. Even if one party wins, when forming the government, there should be understanding and ethnic leaders should be included according to their respective regions, with administrative power shared. That would be better.

Party and two government leaders seen together

But until now, this has not been implemented. If only the winning party governs alone, it will not be easy to govern for long. Problems with ethnic groups will arise. Therefore, it would be better to start practicing power-sharing now. Without power-sharing, peace may be delayed. Negotiations could fail.

If we are to establish a federal system representing all ethnic groups, the government itself must be structured as a federal government. Therefore, a national unity government that includes all ethnic groups is the best option. That is our advice. Since we do not yet know what form will emerge, we must wait and see.”

Analysts noted that since more than half of Myanmar’s population is Bamar, it is natural that Bamar individuals often dominate government bodies. However, despite Bamar leadership positions within governments, genuine ethnic unity has not yet been achieved.

A political analyst told CNI News that during the era of Myanmar kings, Shan Sawbwas were granted authority to govern Shan State, while the kings handled foreign defense and taxation. He said this arrangement resembled a federal system, and because of that autonomy, ethnic minorities did not feel that they were being directly ruled by the Bamar.

Therefore, unless ethnic groups are granted genuine self-administration and federal rights, conflicts and grievances will continue, he said.

Government and armed group leaders seen together

He further explained: “If we truly practice a federal system, even at the grassroots level — such as ward administrators and township administrators — they must be elected by the people. If township administrators are appointed by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and Bamar officials are assigned who report to the ministry — and if the Home Affairs Minister is someone appointed by the military — then even though there are Shan State or Kayah State governments on paper, actual administration is still controlled by Bamar officials and centrally appointed ministers.

Likewise, state chief ministers are not elected by their respective state parliaments but are nominated by the President from the ruling party nationwide. That is not federalism.

What I mean is that at the top level, there may be a Bamar-majority government representing the country. But unless ethnic groups receive genuine self-administration and federal rights at the lower levels, conflicts and dissatisfaction will continue. That must be understood.”

Military and political observers also pointed out that if ministers assigned to various departments are weak, central control will become stronger.

Political parties have emphasized that in order to resolve the ongoing armed conflicts and political crisis in Myanmar, the incoming government must form a national unity government.

The Myanmar military, during its five-year period of administration, has stated that it intends to move toward a political system based on democracy and federalism.

CNI News

February 24, 2026

Military and political analysts are weighing in on how the surrender of Bo Nagar, leader of the Burma National Revolutionary Army (BNRA), might reshape the military landscape in the Sagaing Region.

Looking at the BNRA’s operational areas—surrounded by Myaing to the south, Chin State to the west, Kani to the north, and Yinmarpin to the east—analysts suggest that Bo Nagar may have surrendered to the military (Tatmadaw) due to a complete logistical blockade imposed by NUG-PDF forces.

Political analyst Dr. Aung Myo told CNI News that if members of the BNRA remaining in Pale Township align with the military, it would have a massive impact, potentially signaling the "collapse of the revolution" on the western bank of the Chindwin River in Sagaing Region.

"Battles could intensify before the rainy season. Even during the rains, they will remain fierce because, unlike Kayin State, the dry zone of Upper Myanmar rarely has impassable mud. Furthermore, as the Chindwin River rises, it becomes easier for counter-insurgency columns to maneuver. Therefore, the state is likely to ramp up its crackdown on revolutionary groups," Dr. Aung Myo stated.

He added that while Sagaing-based groups rely on the KIA to the north and Chin and Rakhine forces to the west, Bo Nagar was a core figure. If his followers in his stronghold between western Yinmarpin and Pale join forces with the military, the revolutionary momentum in areas like Yinmarpin and Myaing could be severely compromised.

Bo Nagar during his surrender/entry into the legal fold.

A Complex Battlefield Sagaing is the largest of Myanmar's seven regions, bordered by Magway, Mandalay, Shan State, Chin State, Kachin State, and India. It remains a strategic prize that both Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and the Myanmar military are competing to control.

The region currently hosts a diverse array of armed actors, including:

NSCN (at least six Naga armed factions),Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA),Meitei Armed Groups,Kachin Independence Army (KIA),Arakan Army (AA),All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF),Karen National Union (KNU),Chin National Front (CNF).

Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA/ZRO),Kuki National Army-Burma (KNA-B),NUG-aligned People’s Defense Forces (PDFs),People's Liberation Army (PLA-Communist),96 Soldiers (led by Ko Zeya Lwin),Chin National Defence Force (CNDF),Local Defense Forces (LPDFs), Pro-military Militia (PST/PTSC) and Pyu Saw Htee groups.

Sagaing Region and KIA leader Lieut. Gen. Gun Maw.

The Road Ahead: Peace or Continued Conflict?

U Thein Tun Oo, Executive Director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, told CNI News that the intensity of future fighting depends on the choices made by the remaining armed groups.

"The areas where Bo Nagar operated will likely become quiet. The question is whether other groups will follow his path toward peace. If they do, there is a strong hope for rehabilitation in Sagaing Region, coinciding with the emergence of a new government. If they maintain their belief in armed struggle, area clearance operations will persist," he explained.

On February 18, 2026, Nay Pyi Taw officially announced that BNRA leader Naing Lin (aka Nagar) and his family members entered the "legal fold" along with weapons and ammunition. Military and political observers currently speculate that the Myanmar military may reorganize Bo Nagar’s remaining forces into a pro-government militia.