CNI News

March 13, 2026

The 43 points agreed upon between the National Solidarity and Peacemaking Negotiation Committee (NSPNC) and political parties regarding amendments to the 2008 Constitution could be prioritized for discussion in the upcoming parliament(Hluttaw), according to Sai Htay Aung, chairman of the Tai-Leng (Shanni) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP).

He told CNI News that when those issues are discussed in parliament, there would likely be limited objections from military representatives. He also said there is a possibility that the 43 agreed points could be implemented within the next five years.

Sai Htay Aung said: “Rather than calling them demands, I see them as agreements that have already been reached. Regarding the constitution, these are points that the Tatmadaw has already agreed to. Therefore, when they are discussed in parliament, there will likely be fewer objections from military representatives. These should not be seen as demands but as matters that will be placed among the priorities. All 43 points have already been agreed to by the Tatmadaw. They will be resubmitted in parliament, and according to parliamentary procedures, they could lead to constitutional amendments. Once the amendment process begins, these 43 points will likely be among the priorities. I believe they can be implemented within five years because the Tatmadaw has already agreed to them. The members of parliament who attend will discuss them collectively and then make decisions.”

The 2008 Constitution of MyanmarThe 2008 Constitution of Myanmar

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing also said that the demands of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), constitutional amendment issues, and agreements and discussions necessary for the regions and the country would be revisited and discussed in the upcoming parliament.

He made the remarks on March 10, 2026, during an event reviewing the government's efforts to promote national development between 2021 and 2025.

He said: “We were able to thoroughly discuss the demands of ethnic armed organizations, matters related to amending the 2008 Constitution, and issues that are genuinely necessary and appropriate for the regions and the country. The points that were discussed will be presented and debated in the upcoming parliament, and further actions will be carried out in accordance with parliamentary decisions.”

U Li Paw Reh, chairman of the Lisu National Development Party (Dulei Party), told CNI News that if those discussions are rejected in parliament, the government, ethnic armed groups, and political parties would need to renegotiate them to produce points that parliament could approve.

He said: “The agreements currently reached between political parties and the Tatmadaw (through the NSPNC) appear incomplete, because EAOs are not included, and parliament has not yet been involved. Therefore, the parliamentary side will discuss them independently. There could be rejections because that is how parliamentary procedures work. Since not all parties under the NCA are included, parliament could reject or debate them. They would not take effect without parliamentary approval. What I mean is that if we strictly follow the NCA process, parliament should not reject them but only approve them. According to the NCA, another Union Peace Forum should be convened, bringing together EAOs, political parties, and experts. Now that a parliament and a government will be formed, these issues should be discussed again comprehensively. If there are objections, the points that can gain parliamentary approval will need to be revised through further discussions.”

A previous Hluttaw session

Myanmar held its 2025 general election in three phases from December 28, 2025, to January 25, 2026.

The third-term sessions of the Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House) and Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) are scheduled to convene on March 16 and March 18, 2026, respectively, and a new government will be formed in April.

During discussions between the NSPNC and political parties in January 2025 on constitutional amendments, agreements were reportedly reached on several points, including 10 points related to Chapter 1 of the Constitution, 7 points related to legislative matters, 3 points concerning state leaders, and about 10 points related to administrative matters.

During the 2020 parliamentary term, the National League for Democracy (NLD) proposed amendments to nearly the entire 2008 Constitution. However, the amendments failed because constitutional changes require the support of more than 75 percent of parliamentary representatives.

Political and military analysts have pointed out that Myanmar needs to revise and draft a constitution that aligns with the modern technological era, the evolving thinking of younger generations, geopolitical conditions in neighboring countries, and the country’s socio-economic situation.

CNI News

March 12, 2026

The "New Myanmar Arena Forum," featuring Members of Parliament (MPs) who won the 2025 General Election, will be led by Myanmar Narrative and held in Naypyidaw.

The forum is scheduled to take place at the Myanmar International Convention Centre-1 (MICC-1) in Naypyidaw from March 13 to 14, 2026.

Sai Htay Aung, Chairman of the Tai-Leng (Shanni) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), told CNI News that organizing the "New Myanmar Arena Forum" is a positive step, as it could provide new ideas and perspectives for those without prior parliamentary experience.

"Representatives from our party will be attending this forum. Their organization primarily invited party representatives. Actually, holding this forum is a good thing. Before the parliament sessions begin, there will be people with past parliamentary experience and those without. Since they are holding this two-day forum (March 13–14), I believe those without experience will benefit by discussing matters they will encounter inside the Hluttaw (Parliament). Myanmar is about to open a new chapter. Since the elected representatives from this post-election period are the first to enter this new frontier, it is important for things to be systematic. By holding this forum just before the parliament starts, I see that they will gain new thoughts and perspectives," he said.

USDP Members of Hluttaw

Exclusions and Criticisms Sai Htay Aung further noted that the forum specifically invited MPs from the Pyithu Hluttaw (House of Representatives) and Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities), excluding regional and state parliamentary representatives, as well as political party leaders.

"Through these discussions, MPs who haven't entered parliament yet will gain more knowledge. I believe it will support their future actions. However, a weakness is that if party leaders were also invited—with some speaking inside parliament and party leaders/activists working outside—they could move in harmony. If they can act in sync, I believe we could reach a better 'New Myanmar Frontier,'" he added.

Over 500 MPs are expected to attend the forum in Naypyidaw, the majority of whom are from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). It remains unclear whether military (Tatmadaw) appointees in parliament will attend.

Military (Tatmadaw) Members of Hluttaw

Notably, several political party leaders were not invited because they did not win their respective seats in the election. These include: U Ko Ko Gyi, Dr. Aye Maung, U Ba Shein, Sai Htay Aung, U Kyaw Swar Soe. Sai Aik Paung, Dr. Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), raised questions to CNI News regarding the nature of the forum. He questioned whether it was necessary to exclude party chairs who weren't elected and whether the organizing group was positioning itself "above" the elected representatives.

"When organizing events for political discussion, the leading organization must have an objective. Why are they only inviting elected MPs? Some party leaders will be among them, but others are not elected. Is it not necessary to invite them? What is the purpose of inviting only the MPs? Why do they feel the need to 'advise' them? One could say the MPs have already met or are about to meet. Is it appropriate to hold this 'New Myanmar Arena Forum' when these discussions should happen within the Parliament itself? A question arises: Is this an organization positioned above the MPs? Is it necessary to invite them like school teachers giving lessons to students?" Dr. Aye Maung said.

The "New Myanmar Arena Forum," running from March 13 to 14, 2026, is described by proponents as a trust-building program for the upcoming term of the new government and the future of the country.

CNI News

March 12, 2026

Military and political analysts have pointed out that economic and educational development are necessary for the success of peace processes and the end of armed struggle in Myanmar.

Since 2021, armed conflicts in Myanmar have become more severe, and among the youth there has been a growing strong inclination toward resolving issues through armed struggle.

Meanwhile, armed groups including the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw), Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), and the People’s Defence Force (PDF) have been recruiting new members and engaging in intense fighting against one another.

Former Member of Parliament Daw Sandar Min told CNI News that peace, the economy, and education are interconnected, and that while peace is essential, economic and educational sectors must also be strengthened simultaneously. She added that the current severe lack of education has contributed to the rise of violence.

Students studying in school

She said: “During the time of our NLD government, at first we prioritized peace, saying that peace was the most important issue. Later, we realized that peace and the economy must be worked on simultaneously. Then Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said that both peace and economic development would be carried out at the same time.Because the economy is not doing well, it has created difficulties in education, resulting in lack of education and illiteracy. That in turn leads to economic problems again. In reality, all of these issues are interconnected. Since we are in a nation-building period, while peace is necessary, the roles of the economy and education must also be strengthened simultaneously. These issues are linked. Due to the lack of education, people are unable to think and make decisions wisely, which has led to increased violence and limited access to the rule of law. Therefore, all these efforts must be carried out together. Peace and the economy must progress simultaneously.”

Myanmar has fallen behind in sectors such as politics, the economy, education, healthcare, and social life, and analysts say that improving citizens’ education levels is essential for national development. They also point out that the current political instability and armed conflicts are partly the result of weaknesses in the country’s education system.

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of the Yangon Watch Group, told CNI News that completely ending armed struggle within the next five years will be extremely difficult, and that even if armed conflict ends, it does not necessarily mean peace will immediately be achieved.

People from the grassroots population

She said: “The process of building peace does not mean peace will automatically exist just because armed struggle ends. The meaning of peace is very broad. Even if armed groups no longer exist, it does not necessarily mean peace has been achieved. Therefore, completely ending armed struggle in this country within the next five years will be extremely difficult. Temporary ceasefires may occur. If we expect armed struggle to completely end within five years, that would be unrealistic. Because it will be very difficult to end armed struggle within that time frame, nation-building efforts cannot be neglected, and other development work must continue simultaneously.”

Currently, armed conflicts are occurring across Myanmar, with more than 3 million people displaced, while hundreds of thousands of homes and buildings have been burned and destroyed.

Analysts also say that the new government and parliament expected to be formed in April 2026 must make strong efforts to advance the peace process, while also taking a comprehensive approach to developing political, economic, and educational sectors.

CNI News

March 12, 2026

In the effort to place the military under a civilian government in Myanmar, one should approach the military only after understanding both the theoretical standards and the practical realities, Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of the Yangon Watch group, told CNI News.

She stated that while democratic standards dictate that a country’s military must be under the administration of a civilian government, this standard is not always met in practice across various global democratic reforms. Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin added that when considering a country’s history, human resources, and practical political conditions, there are countries where the military is not under civilian control at all.

"Therefore, by standard, the military must be under a civilian government. However, in reality, does it happen like that? In many countries, it does not. This might be possible in countries with over 100 or 200 years of democratic experience. But in fragile democracies, it takes a long time for this to happen," she said.

She further explained, "When does the military come under civilian administration? It happens when the citizens' understanding of democratic standards increases, when the level of education in the country rises, and when human resources reach a top-tier level compared to other countries. In such conditions, the military naturally falls under civilian rule. As long as those conditions are absent—for instance, if education is very low, human resources are scarce, and neighboring major powers are not democratic—it is not easy for the military to be under civilian administration."

Members of the Myanmar Tatmadaw

There are several countries in the world where the military is not fully under a civilian government, exists as a separate power, or exerts influence over the government:

Pakistan: Despite having an elected government, the military remains the primary decision-maker in foreign policy and security matters and has carried out numerous coups.

Thailand: The military has always played a significant role, with a history of multiple successful coups.

Egypt: The military not only controls the government but also owns a large portion of the country's economy. The current President, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, is himself a former military chief.

Africa (Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso): These nations have experienced military coups in recent years and are currently under military rule with no civilian government.

North Korea: The situation is slightly different; while the military is under the leadership of the Party, it remains the lifeblood of the state, and all national resources are prioritized for the military.

 Generals of the Myanmar Tatmadaw

U Khun Sai, who is involved in the peace process, told CNI News that while it is correct that a military should be under a civilian government, there are countries where generals have become presidents. However, when they become president, they should not rule the country like a military organization.

"Even George Washington became a president. I’m not saying it shouldn’t happen here. But when George Washington became president, he did not rule the United States like a military. This should be noted," U Khun Sai said.

He continued, "When the military is not under a civilian government, it is inconsistent with the traditions of our elders and is difficult to sustain in the long run. The main reason our country has reached this state of decline is that the military has maintained a dominant position since 1962. We must not forget that our country went from being very wealthy to being very poor because of this."

In Myanmar, all three phases of the 2025 Multi-party Democratic General Election were completed by January 25, 2026. It has been announced that this March, the third sessions of the Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw, and Regional/State Hluttaws will commence to elect Speakers and the President.

CNI News

March 11, 2026

Criticism is mounting against the "Odd/Even" day vehicle restriction system aimed at solving Myanmar's fuel shortage, with observers pointing out that the policy favors a privileged class while exacerbating hardships for the general public.

On March 3, the National Defense and Security Council announced that, starting March 7, 2026, motor vehicles and motorcycles must operate on an alternating odd/even day schedule to conserve fuel.

Former lawmaker Daw Sandar Min told CNI News that the restriction creates an unfair advantage for EV (Electric Vehicle) users and places an unjust burden on ordinary citizens.

"The goal is to save fuel nationwide, so they split cars into odd and even days. However, EVs are exempt from these restrictions because they don't use fuel. This essentially turns into a promotion to sell EVs," she said. "It makes it seem like only EV owners have the upper hand. Are people with regular cars supposed to go to school or work only every other day? That is simply not fair."

People are seen refueling their vehicles.

Daw Sandar Min further warned that some individuals might exploit these regulations for personal gain.

"Secondly, if the state issues a decree for the sake of fuel conservation, it's disheartening to see people taking advantage of it. Truthfully, many traffic police are not on the streets for safety or traffic flow; about 90% are out there looking for ways to support their own livelihoods [through bribes]. This is not okay. If the goal is to save fuel, they should implement a system that actually addresses fuel conservation without missing the mark so widely," she added.

Violators of the odd/even system will face legal action starting March 14 under Section 188, which carries a penalty of one month in prison, a 20,000 Kyat fine, or both.

Traffic Police Officer Deputy Superintendent Kyaw Soe Lwin posted on social media that specific details regarding the enforcement would be provided before the penalty phase begins.

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of the Yangon Watch group, told CNI News that the inclusion of prison sentences is inappropriate and could cause the public to resent the government.

Rows of cars at a petrol station.

"This system isn't entirely bad in theory—it's a suitable measure for air pollution and fuel conservation. However, it isn't a perfect plan because it can lead to corruption among enforcement authorities. This needs systematic control," she said. "Furthermore, if those responsible for law enforcement view this as a way to punish the public, it will be difficult to build a partnership between the government and the people. During this period of national reconstruction, that partnership is vital."

She continued, "I do not support the use of prison sentences. A one-month jail term makes the public misperceive the government's intentions. It feels like there is a strong desire to punish the citizens rather than help them. This is impractical and breeds hatred. The government should reconsider the prison sentence; even if they don't want to revoke the law, those implementing it should choose not to impose jail time."

Currently, private sector employees and parents are facing significant hurdles due to the restrictions, alongside travelers and those whose businesses require daily mobility.

Critics suggest that instead of restricting road access, the government should consider a system where fuel is sold to odd/even license plates on alternating days, which would be a more balanced solution for both parties.

CNI News

March 11, 2026

Military and political analysts have pointed out that the new government emerging in Myanmar should simultaneously implement security, peace, federalism, and democracy.

Following the 2025 General Election, which was held in three phases from December 28, 2025, to January 25, 2026, the new government is set to be formed in April.

U Khun Sai, an active participant in the peace process, told CNI News that for the upcoming new government, peace, federalism, and democracy are interconnected issues that must be addressed together, emphasizing that the people are the true masters of the country.

He stated, "Security, peace, federalism, and democracy are all linked. I don’t think it’s practical to do them one after another; they must be worked on together. However, where we place our focus is more important. For instance, if we focus on security, can it be reliable without peace? Can there be peace without democracy? Or democracy without federalism? They are intertwined. Therefore, we cannot say yet which one should be prioritized right now."

During a Peace Talk session.

He continued, "The main thing is they need to have the mindset of: 'We come from an election; an election is a choice by the people. The people are the true owners and masters of this country. We are not the masters. Whatever we do, we must obtain the consent of these masters.' If they have this mindset, though we may face difficulties initially, in the long run, we will achieve a country that is secure, peaceful, democratic, and federal. If they operate without this foundation—thinking 'We own the country, we will do as we please, and the people must accept it'—then it won't be possible. I hope the current leaders governing the country understand this."

Some observers suggest that during the new government's five-year term, the first two and a half years should prioritize peace and federalism, while the remaining two and a half years should focus on socio-economic development.

However, other military and political analysts argue that the new government needs to build the economy and education alongside the peace process.

Sai Htay Aung, Chairman of the Tai-Leng (Shanni) Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), told CNI News that if the new government strives for peace, federal issues must be the primary topic of discussion.

While reaching political agreements.

He said, "Democracy, federalism, and peace are intertwined like two sides of a coin. I don't think a sequential approach—doing one after the other—will work well. To strive for peace in the first two and a half years, federal issues must be the core of those discussions. Ethnic groups have demanded the federalism they desire since independence. Therefore, peace and federalism will move forward together. Regarding methods, some things should be presented to the public, while others should continue as internal implementations. Currently, we have the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement). We must review its strengths and weaknesses."

He added, "If armed organizations are fighting, the current NCA is weak. The government should accept amendments of the NCA that benefit the people. We will move toward peace via the NCA. Since Paragraph 26 of the NCA states that constitutional amendments and other laws can be amended or supplemented, this must be discussed in parliament and the NCA path must be implemented from one side."

Political parties have pointed out that the post-election government should be formed as a national unity government style to accelerate political dialogues.

However, military and political analysts noted that the incoming government might manage the executive, legislative, and judicial branches by taking lessons from the various administrative eras of U Than Shwe, U Thein Sein, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Therefore, the new government's policies on peace and socio-economics remain to be seen.

CNI News

March 11, 2026

U Khun Sai, a participant in the peace process, told CNI News that there is no need to worry if the natural principle of the Panglong Agreement is applied: collective management for matters concerning everyone, and management by the relevant state officials for matters specific to their own state.

Following the political shifts in 2021, the goals of Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) have evolved beyond Federalism, with some now aspiring toward a Confederal status.

Regarding these aspirations, military and political analysts point out that while the government accepts Federalism, it does not accept Confederation. Furthermore, the government is unlikely to accept a form of Federalism that involves very little central control.

Currently, the mention of "Panglong" is often misunderstood as synonymous with secession. However, U Khun Sai explained to CNI that the true essence of the Panglong Agreement is not about secession, but about the right to manage one's own state independently.

Leaders from ethnic armed groups, the Tatmadaw and the government seen.

He stated, "According to the Panglong Agreement and subsequent accords, the central government would handle matters concerning everyone. However, matters specific to a state would be handled by that state. When phrased this way, it can be interpreted as the 'Burman' government handling central affairs while non-Burmans only handle their own states. Many understand it that way. In reality, the leaders who drafted and implemented the Panglong Agreement did not define it like that. The central government wouldn't consist only of Burmans; it was intended to include ethnic and minority leaders as well. If you look at the Panglong Agreement, points 1 through 4 concern the central government, and you can see ethnic leaders participating in that central body. Since ethnic leaders themselves are involved, there is nothing for the central government to fear, even if they are governing their states separately. Why is there no need to worry? Most people now think 'Panglong' means secession or a desire for independence. Actually, Panglong wasn't created for that. It was so you could govern your own state independently."

The Panglong Agreement, signed on February 12, 1947, included a total of nine points, including five main agreements aimed at the Hill Regions and Mainland joining together to gain independence and achieve ethnic unity.

Ethnic youths seen.

The five main agreements are: The Council which is made up of representatives from the Hill Regions shall be included in the mainland government and cooperate in administration.The Hill Regions shall enjoy full autonomy and administrative powers over internal affairs.A separate Kachin State shall be established for the Kachin Hill tracts.The Hill Regions shall receive financial and administrative rights and privileges equal to those of the Mainland.The Hill Regions and the Mainland shall remain united and live in solidarity after gaining independence together.

Since the 2021 political changes, the number of armed organizations in the Myanmar political landscape has increased, and armed conflicts have grown larger and more widespread.

Furthermore, Ethnic Armed Organizations and the NUG-PDF are collaborating on operations to seize territories. In this landscape, some EAOs have seized territories beyond their previously designated self-administered zones.

Ethnic armed organizations holding a conference.

A political analyst told CNI News that if the state allows them to keep the territories they have captured as they are, problems could arise in some state regions.

He said, "If we give [MNDAA and TNLA] the territories as they’ve seized them now, groups like the SSA and other groups in Shan State won't be satisfied. Also, in Rakhine, there is a conflict with the Chin—possibly regarding the Paletwa issue in Chin State. Since such problems exist, it will be difficult for other ethnic groups to accept. It would be best to discuss and get them to accept a process where territorial boundaries are decided by the will of the local people. The central government must propose this. If this is proposed and China also likes and agrees with it, then implement it and designate the territories accordingly. Once designated, then self-administration must be granted."

Military and political analysts observe that the goals of Ethnic Armed Organizations have diverged following the removal of the NLD government.

The original goal of the EAOs is to build a Federal Union and achieve full self-determination for states. But analysts point out that groups gaining a military advantage have begun to envision goals higher than a Federal Union.

CNI News

March 10, 2026

Military and political analysts are raising questions regarding which path and method should be used to initiate the formation of a Federal Army in Myanmar.

U Ko Ko Gyi, Chairman of the People’s Party (PP), told CNI News that if a Federal Army is to be formed, the military (Tatmadaw) and winning parties should operate within the framework of the 2008 Constitution. He emphasized that efforts must be made within Parliament to effectively amend the 2008 Constitution.

"Currently, we are considering solving this within the 2008 framework involving the military, the current winning party, and all registered political parties. On the other hand, there is an approach that suggests the 2008 Constitution must be completely abolished and rewritten. As political parties, we need to implement practical and timely reforms when amending the constitution. Therefore, there have been discussions regarding constitutional amendment, and some are still ongoing. I believe we must strive in Parliament to achieve effective reforms. Fundamentally speaking, there are two types of structures: a Union based on ethnicity and a Union based on territory. Furthermore, there are considerations for symmetric federalism, where everyone is treated equally, and asymmetric federalism. Talking about 'Federalism' is easy, but the details require extensive discussion. The current 2008 Constitution already has state structures based on ethnicity and regional structures based on territory. So, if we start talking about federal units, there is much to say. However, practically, we cannot solve certain issues immediately while conflict is intense. Therefore, our primary effort right now is to return to a path of stability, rule of law, and political solutions," said U Ko Ko Gyi.

Photos showing Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and leaders of armed organizations.

Military and political observers point out that the federal issue has existed since the 1947 Panglong Agreement or 1962. They highlight that ethnic groups and all citizens must first create a stable and secure environment.

U Thein Tun Oo, Executive Director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, told CNI News that rather than focusing on which method to use, an answer will emerge if work is done based on the actual attitudes on the ground and how cooperation is managed.

"First, we need to clarify what should be included under the model of a 'Federal Army' and how it will function. Rather than just the method, the desires, remarks, and aspirations of those involved are important if a Federal Army is to be formed. It is better to move forward with a model that is appropriate and feasible. For the Federal Army model, what have the current military and the groups following the peace path via the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement) prepared? That point is crucial. It must depend on that. It would be better to work based on the points agreed upon by the people who will actually participate. Therefore, the best solution will come by working based on the actual attitudes on the ground, what they want to do, and how they will cooperate," he said.

Photos showing Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and leaders of armed organizations.

The current landscape shows two primary stances on military integration: The Military's (Tatmadaw) Stance: They lean toward transforming armed groups into Border Guard Forces (BGF) or People’s Militia Forces (PMF) to cooperate with the Tatmadaw, followed by the formation of political parties to compete in elections.

The Armed Groups' Stance: Many ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) stand for forming National Guard or State Guard forces first. After building trust, they would then integrate with the central Myanmar military step-by-step to transition into a Federal Army.

Political circles analyze that establishing a Federal Union Army may be difficult due to the existence of numerous ethnic armed groups and the hundreds of armed organizations that emerged following the political shifts of February 2021.

CNI News

March 10, 2026

Political analysts and business leaders are pointing out that the upcoming new government should work to develop peace and the economy in tandem and with balance.

Political parties and observers noted that the civilian government emerging after the election should prioritize the cessation of armed conflict and focus on peace. They suggested that forming a structure similar to a national unity government could resolve the current political and military crises.

On the other hand, the economy is currently declining due to instability, which has led to weak security and rule of law, insufficient electricity, labor shortages, and international economic sanctions.

Business leaders emphasized that the new government and parliament, set to be formed in April 2026, need to establish checks and balances and implement sound policies to revitalize the Myanmar economy.

Economic analyst U Htay Aung Kyi told CNI News that current economic difficulties stem from the failure to build a solid economic system. He noted that since politics and the economy are intertwined, economic hardship can shift people's perspectives and ideologies.

An anniversary ceremony of the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement).

"It can be solved, but the main thing is to have a Conceptual Framework. Peace includes economic aspects and perspectives. The views of ethnic groups have changed over the last 5 to 15 years. They need to understand that their interests will only be served if this country is united and prosperous. That is point number one. Point number two is how the government will 'educate' them so they understand this. The government side must have a proper framework—for example, regarding the distribution of natural resources. Openly speaking, the government needs to believe in a fair ratio. Politics and the economy are linked. If we could have developed areas like Sagaing, Mandalay, Magway, Bago, Ayeyarwady, Yangon, and Mon, there would be much less to complain about today. The main problem is the economy didn't work. When the economy is bad, perspectives change. Theoretically, you need money to get an education, which leads to better human capital. The economy must improve. We should start where we can, but the system must be correct. Currently, about 70% of the entire national economy is centered in Yangon; we need to rethink this."

Political analyst U Kyaw Htet told CNI News that the new government must consistently carry out peace processes while striving for economic stability. He suggested that to regain international trust, the government should be formed as a broad-based unity government.

Bogyoke Market.

"Due to current conflicts, the peace process needs to be worked on continuously. Additionally, the new government must strive for economic stability. There must be political stability. Priority must be given to getting sanctions lifted. To achieve economic stability, we must look toward Foreign Investment while also developing domestic products. We lack the energy resources needed for production. If we want everything to rise again, we must strive for energy sufficiency.

The economy will only truly recover once sanctions are lifted. We can't expect too much immediately, but we can reach a livable condition. Therefore, if the government can demonstrate an inclusive setup—including ethnic leaders and political opposition groups in a national unity government—international trust can be regained."

While the incoming government may issue peace invitations and attempt to jumpstart the economy, everyone agrees that economic and peace policies must be accurate, upright, and subject to thorough review.