CNI News

28 April 2025

Despite the withdrawal of the Kokang Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) from Lashio due to Chinese intervention in northern Shan State, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is unlikely to reverse its territorial expansion, military and political analysts told CNI.

The Kachin people previously lived mostly in the Theinni and Kutkai areas of northern Shan State, so he does not think the KIA will retreat from northern Shan State as it seeks to reclaim their original homeland, Sai Htay Aung, chairman of the Tai Leng (Shanni) National Development Party (TNDP), told CNI News.

"The KIA issue is complicated. Going back to history, the majority of Kachin people lived in Theinni,and Kachin State had only a few Kachin people. After the Kachin State was established, the KIA needs to protect Kachin State. And it has a desire to regain their original homeland. That's why I don't think the KIA will retreat in northern Shan State because the majority of Kachins lived in the Theinni and Kutkai regions since ancient times. There were only a small number of Kachins in Kachin State before Myanmar gained her independence. That is why there may still be problems with the KIA in northern Shan State. But I think KIA, which is politically astute, will try to do its best." he said.

While the KIA troops and the TNLA troops were beating up one another during a territorial dispute in northern Shan State.

The KIA, which was formed in 1961, has three brigades based in northern Shan State and eight in Kachin State. Last March, there were territorial disputes between the KIA and the TNLA, as well as between the KIA and the MNDAA, in some areas of northern Shan State.  He believes that if Kachin continues to act as it did during the time of the Theinni Saw Bwa (Shan chief of Theinni in former times), everyone can live together, U Khun Sai, who is involved in the peace process, told CNI News.

"Even before the British left Burma, the Kachin people had requested the Theinni Saw Bwa to establish a Kachin sub-state for them. Their request made sense because when the Theinni Sawbwa revolted against King Mindon and King Thibaw, the Kachin people helped the Sawbwa a lot. The Sawbwa raised Kachin people to the rank of a noble. In addition, the Kachin people also provided military assistance to the British during World War II. For these two reasons, I heard that the Theinni Sawbwa, after consulting with the British government, signed a treaty that would give the Kachin people a sub-state. The Theinni Sawbwa said that Kachin State is unique. However, the Kachin sub-state within Shan State or Theinni is unique. We need to see this differently. According to the Sawbwa's records, the Shan people in Kachin State should also be people of Kachin State, and the Kachin people in Shan State should also be people of Shan State. If we continue like this, we will all be able to live together in peace, I believe." said U Khun Sai.

While the KIA had captured a military camp of the Tatmadaw

Lashio, a city in Shan State that the MNDAA seized on August 3, 2024, was handed back to the Myanmar Tatmadaw due to pressure from China. 

Military and political observers have pointed out that once the Lashio handover process is completed, China could indirectly put pressure on the TNLA and KIA, which are expanding their territory in northern Shan State, through the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

Moreover, the military turnaround may be seen after the Lashio handover process, as the Myanmar military rebuilds its military strength and can prevent the KIA and TNLA from expanding their territory, they considered.

The TNLA, MNDAA, and KIA are members of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), which is led and formed by the UWSA.

CNI News
26 April 2025

The Electronic Government (E-Government) system should be implemented to overcome the difficulties that took place in operating government mechanism due to the earthquake in Myanmar, vice chairman of the National Democratic Force Party (NDF), U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News.

On March 28, 2025, an earthquake centered in Sagaing, near Mandalay, destroyed homes, religious buildings, schools, hospitals, hotels, and roads and bridges.

In addition, staff housing, ministries, and government offices within the Naypyidaw Council area were damaged, as were the Hluttaw buildings. Therefore, if the Electronic Government system is implemented now, the difficulties caused by the losses can be overcome, said U Htet Aung Kyaw.

“A 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck, and there was a lot of damage and loss. We have to rebuild, and we have to build earthquake-resistant buildings. We started planning to implement e-government around 2003 or 2004. We haven’t been able to do it effectively yet. The electronic government system has already been successfully implemented around the world. If we work hard and implement this system, we can overcome all the difficulties caused by the current damage." he said.

Electronic Government is a system that uses electronic communication devices, computers, mobile phones, computer network devices, ICT technology, and Internet technology to deliver government services to the public in a fast and efficient manner.

The system was first implemented in Myanmar in 2003, but has not been successfully used to date. Political analysts point out that the failure of the electronic government system is due to weaknesses in implementation and the presence of forces that do not want reform.

If the electronic government system is implemented, it will be difficult to commit corruption and irregularities. He wondered if the system was not implemented because officials did not want that to happen, Dr. Myo Set Thway, General Secretary of the People's Pioneer Party (PPP), told CNI News.

“This is something that needs to be done, every government has said it will be done, but as far as I can tell, the reason for not doing it is not because of technology, but because they don't want to do these things on purpose, I'm not sure why. What they don't do is, to put it bluntly, because governments are bad. Even if it's not on a nationwide scale, there are places and conditions where it can be done. Not using this system is very conservative and I would say that it lacks courage in terms of ideology. If this system is used, it will be difficult to take bribes, it will be difficult to commit irregularities, and it is even possible to wonder whether the officials do not use it because they do not want these things to happen." he said.

Among the government buildings damaged by the earthquake in the Naypyidaw Council area, those built on landfill were most damaged, said the SAC chairman.

Therefore, when reconstructing office buildings, soil tests should be conducted before new construction and renovation work can be carried out, he said.

CNI News

26 April 2025

After the process of handing over Lashio to the Stata Administration Council (SAC), China might ask the United Wa State Army (UWSA) to intervene in the remaining regions of northern Shan State on its behalf, chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), Col. Khun Okkar told CNI News.

He said that the Wa army should act as China's representative in matters where China does not want to get involved, and since China is behind the Wa, everyone needs to follow its orders.

" To put it simply, the Wa are acting as China's representative in matters that China does not want to do itself. Every organization needs to follow what the Wa asks because China is behind the Wa. However, under international law, China is expanding its influence by using the “Wa” army. Therefore, the “Wa” will not lose its normal position, but will intervene by providing guarantees for the remaining regions. There may be cases where China intervenes itself, and there may also be cases where the "Wa" intervenes. This is why groups like the KIA need to reconsider. Whether to continue fighting or to reconsider, as the “Wa” and China suggest, may be a bit of a question to consider. In northern Shan, fighting is possible in areas far from the Yunnan border, but fighting is unlikely in areas close to the Yunnan border. This is because border security and trade will be prioritized. China's BRI also extends through Burma to Kyaukphyu. China wants to regain control of these routes. Therefore, if the northern organizations continue to fight, they may face a crisis due to Chinese pressure." said  Col. Khun Okkar.

While seeing former Chinese special envoy Mr. Sun Guo Xiang and the UWSA leader

Thanks to Chinese intervention, the Kokang National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) withdrew from Lashio, which it had occupied, on August 3, 2024. Then, on April 18, 21, and 22, Myanmar Tatmadaw convoys re-entered Lashio, preparing to restore administrative machinery.

It is believed that China forced the Kokang forces to withdraw from Lashio because it wanted to continue its border trade and other projects.

The success of the territorial control after the handover of Lashio will determine the future course of the revolution, China-Myanmar affairs analyst Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw told CNI  News.

While seeing the UWSA and the MNDAA leaders

"We need to see how successful or unsuccessful the Lashio issue is. China is trying to open a trade route here, so if this is successful, it will benefit the people, the people's economy will improve, and the military council will stop acting badly like it always does, then the TNLA will have something to think about. How successful or unsuccessful Lashio will be will determine the revolutionary path ahead," she said.

The MNDAA's withdrawal from Lashio was not at the request of the SAC, but rather at the request of China since December 2024, said military and political observers. 

The Chinese Foreign Ministry has denied claims that the handover of Lashio was due to Chinese pressure, saying it was a friendly suggestion to restart the political reform process.

CNI News

25 April 2025

Negotiations may be conducted between the State Administration Council and the Chinese government to make SAC regain control of cities along the China-Myanmar trade route after the MNDAA handed over Lashio to the SAC, Vice Chairman of the National Democratic Force Party, U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News.

On August 3, 2024, the MNDAA attacked and captured Lashio city and the Northeastern Military Command and established an administration.

Then, under pressure from the Chinese government, the MNDAA is carrying out the process of handing over Lashio to the SAC by April 21, 2025, while China is overseeing the return of the Myanmar Tatmadaw to Lashio. China said it has dispatched a ceasefire monitoring team to Lashio to monitor the bilateral ceasefire between the Myanmar  the Tatmadaw and the MNDAA.

According to China's negotiation or putting pressure, EAOs could retreat from the towns and villages along the China-Myanmar border trade route (Union Road), said U Htet Aung Kyaw.

Myanmar Tatmadaw convoys were entering Lashio

"They have carefully negotiated. In my opinion,  EAOs can retreat from all the towns and villages along the Union Highway because the border trade between the two countries has been stopped for a long time. When it comes to Lashio, we can expect something more than Lashio City alone. Border trade between Myanmar and China is currently at a near standstill. No organization can capture Muse. Now the SAC has regained Lashio. But Lashio-Muse Road alone can't work for the border trade. According to China's negotiation or putting pressure, EAOs will need to retreat from the towns and villages including Theinni, Kutkai, Kyaukme and Thibaw so that the border trade can be conducted, which will be mainly discussed, I think."he said.

Even though the Myanmar Tatmadaw regains Lashio, if it can't control towns and villages including Kutkai, Theinni, Thibaw, Kyaukme and Nawnghkio along the trade route, it is impossible to start the border trade.

Chinese ceasefire monitoring team's vehicle was seen in Lashio.

So, it was necessary to watch whether the Myanmar Tatmadaw would negotiate with or fight against the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) that has controlled Kutkai, Theinni, Thibaw, Kyaukme and Nawnghkio, pointed out military analysts.

China's involvement will continue because China must build a better relationship with Myanmar to achieve cooperation, U Thein Tun Oo, director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategy Studies, told CNI News.

" The abilities of the EAOs that are active near the China-Myanmar border depend on China. When China controls them, many problems will have been resolved automatically. Importantly, there are many things to be carried out cooperation between China and Myanmar. So, China needs to build a better relation with Myanmar. So, China's involvement will continue for sure." he said.

The Chinese Foreign Ministry said in a press conference on April 21, 2025 that China, as a friend, is advising relevant parties in Myanmar to pursue political reconciliation and resume the process of political reform.

CNI News

25 April 2025

Freedom from corruption was needed in the construction of buildings for recovery from the earthquake disaster, U Aung Pyae Sone, a businessman, told CNI News.

He also said that the government needs to carry out strictly in systematically constructing houses and buildings for post-earthquake rehabilitation.

" There have been Construction Laws since the past years. And there are QC teams as well. Those QCs need to be true third parties. If the construction companies and QC are partners, that QC is not a third party.If you're building a building that can withstand a magnitude 8 or even 9 earthquake, it needs to be a really durable building. In reality, many lives will be lost due to unbearable consequences." he said.

While seeing officials inspecting the earthquake-damaged Sagaing Bridge

The Chairman of the State Administration Council, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, allocated 50 billion kyats for the rehabilitation of Sagaing Region and 60 billion kyats for the rehabilitation of Mandalay Region.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said that cement, iron and zinc sheets will be sold at reasonable prices for construction work in Mandalay and Sagaing to rebuild buildings.

He also said that financial assistance will be provided at appropriate rates for damaged houses, depending on their types.

While Senior General Min Aung Hlaing was meeting with officials

" How will the earthquake victims be accommodated while new shelters are being built? We asked the Chinese embassy for help. The embassy said it is preparing to build about 5,000 temporary houses before finishing constructing new buildings. When we went to the earthquake-hit areas to help, we had to find poor construction. The municipality's inspection was weak. Those who constructed buildings cheaply as well." said U Htet Aung Kyaw, Vice Chairman of the National Democratic Force Party.

The United States has pledged $9 million, the Quad (United States-India-Japan-Australia) $20 million, the United Nations $93 million, China over 1 billion yuan, Australia $2 million, and the European Union 13 million euros to help the people of Myanmar affected by the earthquake. 

Similarly, local businessmen and cronies donated 116.84 billion kyats to earthquake victims on April 1, the SAC chairman said.

CNI News

25 April 2025

Although the State Administration Council (SAC) has lost most of the townships in northern Shan State, if the SAC get Lashio back, it has even gain without making a loss, Colonel Khun Okkar, chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Front (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI News.

The Kokang Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), which has seized and taken control of Lashio, is beginning the process of handing over Lashio to the SAC on April 21, 2025 at the latest.

Compared to the SAC's failure to gain anything in northern Shan State, that the SAC regains Lashio is not a loss for it, Colonel Khun Okkar, chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Front (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI News.

"Getting Lashio back will not be a loss for the SAC in comparison with getting nothing. The SAC's prestige will also be restored. Because Lashio is a key city. Lashio controls the trade route to Muse. Lashio controls the route down to Mandalay. It's necessary to keep these routes so that trade can be revived. China wants that, too. Regaining Lashio like this is cheaper and less costly than using military force, and has fewer casualties. However, the sense that Nay Pyi Taw's influence is back on the rise is a win for SAC. It's not a loss." he said.

While seeing the MNDAA flags were no more at the traffic circle in Lashio

After China brokered a temporary ceasefire between the Myanmar Tatmadaw the National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Kokang forces were forced to withdraw from Lashio. On April 21, Kokang forces withdrew from the administration of Lashio, and reports said that Kokang flags were no longer flying in the city, leaving only the Myanmar national flag.

It is considered that The Kokang forces' handover of Lashio to the SAC due to the pressure from China. However, as a friend, China was advising relevant groups in Myanmar to pursue political reconciliation and restart the process of political reform, said the Chinese Foreign Ministry at a press conference on April 21.

That the SAC regained Lashio like that was encouraging for the SAC, Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, a China-Myanmar affairs analyst, told CNI News.

While seeing a place in downtown area of Lashio

"What was strange yesterday that China said they don't interfere in Myanmar's internal affairs. But, whether it is the negotiation issues or the Lashio issue, there are things that China is taking the lead in. In the past, China had done like this with the Khmer issue in Cambodia, the Sri Lankan issue, and the East Timor issue. As far as I know, China intervened as a peacekeeping force between the two sides and brokered a ceasefire. I had seen China developed that area. Now I can't say anything. They are still discussing. If the military council regains Lashio, it will be a morale booster for it. If the MNDAA wanted a basic area for the Kokang People, it wouldn't need Lashio. The MNDAA only needs the original Kokang region and a small area around it. So I don't know how they're going to regulate that. We'll have to wait and see." she said.

The Northern Alliance in northern Shan State and the PDFs have to retreat from all the towns between Muse and Mandalay and the towns reportedly include Kutkai, Theinni, Thibaw, Kyaukme, and Nawnghkio.

The MNDAA is reportedly stationed outside Lashio, although it must follow Chinese instructions.

CNI News

24 April 2025

ASEAN's engagement with the Chairman of the State Administration Council (SAC) is an attempt to shape the political landscape in Myanmar as a turning point, U Myo Kyaw, spokesperson for the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), told CNI News.

ASEAN rotating chairman, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar, Advisor to the ASEAN Chairman, former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, and the SAC Chairman Senior General Min Aung Hlaing met in Bangkok, Thailand, on 17 April 2025. 

In addition, Malaysian Prime Minister Mr. Anwar and the National Unity Government (NUG) Prime Minister Mahn Win Khaing Than held an online meeting on April 18, 2025, the NUG announced.

While seeing Thaksin, Advisor to the Chairman of ASEAN and the Chairman of the SAC

ASEAN is becoming more involved in Myanmar's affairs because the current military situation, violence, and conflict avoidance in Myanmar are also affecting ASEAN, U Myo Kyaw, spokesperson for the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), told CNI News.

"Myanmar shares borders with ASEAN members Thailand and Laos. Myanmar is closely linked to ASEAN member states. Myanmar's image is being badly damaged, not only in ASEAN and Asia, but also globally. Violent killings and displacement in Myanmar are also affecting ASEAN. And the strategic military situation at Myanmar's western gate is likely to become quite tense. That is why ASEAN is becoming more involved in Myanmar affairs. In particular, former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin was very close to the Myanmar military leaders. I see that, together with him, ASEAN leaders are trying to shape a turning point in the Myanmar political landscape." he said.

SAC Chairman Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin, and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar, the rotating chairman of ASEAN, discussed the ASEAN community's continued support for Myanmar's recovery efforts from the earthquake disaster. In addition, they also discussed cooperation issues within the Myanmar-ASEAN community.

While the ASEAN rotating chairman, Anwar and the NUG's Mahn Win Khaing Than were discussing online

ASEAN appeared to be intervening in any regional political changes and was trying to resolve issues politically, U Thein Tun Oo, director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, told CNI.

"To be honest, ASEAN is playing games with China and the US, which side will they take? In any case, it's a form of brokered-engagement where they can intervene and they only tried what they were able to do in any political change in the region. So, what ASEAN's role is depends on how well it works. We can't just expect that everything will be resolved if ASEAN steps in and helps. But we need to watch how much more ASEAN can do." he said.

The year 2025 will be a turning point for the revolution, the NUG will work harder to win the revolution, Acting President of the NUG, Duwa Lashi La said in his New Year's speech on April 17, 2025.

CNI News
23 April 2025

The Myanmar Tatmadaw declared a ceasefire from April 2 to 22 to allow for humanitarian assistance to those affected by the earthquake, and the Office of the Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Services announced today that the ceasefire has been extended.

The Myanmar Tatmadaw has extended the ceasefire until April 30. The Tatmadaw has announced the extension of the temporary ceasefire period from 23 to 30 April 2025 to enable the government to accelerate reconstruction and rehabilitation work in the earthquake-affected areas, to more quickly implement the interests of the state and all citizens, and to establish lasting and genuine peace.

During the period of the temporary ceasefire, ethnic armed groups and other armed groups are prohibited from gathering, organizing, or expanding their territory in a way that would disrupt and damage communication routes used by the public, harm the lives and property of the public, or damage the bases of security forces carrying out security and law enforcement duties. If the groups violate the prohibitions, the Tatmadaw will take necessary countermeasures to protect the public, said in the statement.

CNI Article
23 April 2025

The civil war has been breaking out in Myanmar for over 70 years since three months after Myanmar gained her independence on January 4, 1948, due to the inability to resolve ethnic issues.

Successive governments have attempted to end the civil war in order to achieve internal peace, but it has not been resolved up to now. However, under the government of President U Thein Sein (retired), a different approach was taken, with a nationwide invitation to peace talks on August 18, 2011, and the talks were held.

In the past, peace was only achieved when the rebels laid down their arms. However, under the Thein Sein government, peace was built in the form of a ceasefire and peace talks, although the rebels still held arms, and the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was implemented.

The NCA was proposed by ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and the government, military, and Hluttaw accepted and discussed the EAOs’ proposal.

Then, on March 31, 2015, they signed the draft NCA agreement. Then, on October 15, 2015, the Restoration Council for Shan State (RCSS/SSA), the Karen National Union (KNU), the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army-Peace Council (KNU/KNLA-PC), the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), the Chin National Front (CNF), the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF), and the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) signed the NCA.
Then, on February 13, 2018, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) signed the NCA. The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO/KIA), the United Wa State Party (UWSP/UWSA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA-Mingla), the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP/SSA), the Palaung State Liberation Front  (PSLF/TNLA), the United League of Arakan (ULA/AA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-K) have not signed the NCA and are still negotiating.

Although there are groups that have not signed the NCA and groups that have signed it, as a journalist, I will review the findings from the situations related to groups that have signed the NCA. It has been more than 5 years since the signing and implementation of the NCA between the government-military and 10 ethnic armed groups to end the ongoing internal armed conflicts in Myanmar.

In the five years since the NCA was launched, as a journalist, I have examined the NCA's shortcomings and whether the agreements were being implemented. Here are the findings:

• 
  Armed groups have not established a specific mechanism to take action if they commit human rights violations against civilians during the war or commit crimes prohibited under the NCA. Some point to the JMC, some point to existing laws, but the question is whether it can be solved in practice.
  
  § The government is unable to establish a mechanism to lead and resolve military and political crises arising from disputes and implementation of the NCA agreements. During the U Thein Sein government, the Union Peacemaking Central Committee (UPCC) was established as a mechanism to resolve conflicts. The NLD government did not establish a resolution mechanism. The SAC has a resolution mechanism, but it cannot act.
  
  § A situation where action can be taken against those who violate the agreements in the NCA agreement cannot be created. (There are martial laws but no peacekeeping laws - is it considered unnecessary?) Myanmar has too many armed groups, so a peacekeeping law should be enacted. Since the NCA also states that it will work with accountability and transparency, there should be a peacekeeping intermediary law.
  
  § The Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) on the ceasefire, established under Chapter 3 of the NCA, has been weak in implementation and was not able to implement some cases.
  
  § The JMC has no authority to take action or intervene in the event of an armed conflict, but is only at the reporting level. The JMC has less authority than the Liaison Office formed by ethnic armed groups.
  
  § The JMC has no authority to investigate or take action on human rights violations committed against civilians during the war, but only to report them. Instead of creating a platform where officials can investigate human rights violations on the ground, they have only built a mechanism that works only when people who have been violated come forward to complain. The likelihood of being held accountable for the lives of people who come forward to complain about human rights violations is low. Because the armed groups that are the subject of the complaint are present at the JMC, the armed groups will know who has filed the complaint, which raises questions about how the complainant's life and safety are guaranteed.
  
  § There is a lack of public awareness or lack of capacity to raise public awareness of the agreements in the NCA and the nature of the JMC mechanism.
  
  § The JMC mechanism is not allowed to be established in some regions. The JMC-S (Region or State Level) has not been formed in Chin State and Rakhine State, where CNF and ALP are active. Some say there is no need to form a JMC because there is no armed conflict. Although there is no armed conflict, armed groups operating in the area are committing human rights violations and abuses against the population. The question is who will take responsibility if there is no JMC-S there.

• § Some armed groups are allowed to participate as representatives in the JMC-Ss formed in the regions and states where they operate, while some armed groups are not allowed to participate as representatives in the JMC-Ss formed in the regions and states where they operate. For example, The New Mon State Party (NMSP) is only allowed to have representatives in the Mon State JMC-S and is not allowed to participate in the JMC-S formed in Kayin State and Tanintharyi Region. The Karen National Union (KNU) is allowed to participate as a representative in the JMC-Ss formed in Kayin State, Mon State, Bago Region, and Tanintharyi Region.
  
  § State-level JMC-S meetings are often not held due to some of the JMC's operational guidelines. For example, (The Shan State-level JMC-S meetings, which were scheduled to be held once a month, were not held because the RCSS announced in November 2018 that it would temporarily suspend its attendance at JMC meetings.)
  
  § If an armed group decides not to attend a state-level JMC-S meeting, the meeting cannot be held. In the event of an armed conflict between an armed group that does not attend and another armed group, there is no other mechanism to resolve the conflict other than the JMC-S. For example, When the RCSS and the PNLO clashed, the Shan State JMC-S meeting was unable to resolve the clash because the RCSS had announced in advance that it would not attend JMC meetings. When the RCSS-the PNLO fighting caused public suffering and houses were burned, a complaint was filed with the Shan State JMC-S, but the meeting could not be held, so no resolution was possible.
  
  § The controversy stems from the lack of a specific location for national political dialogues. Due to these disputes, the RCSS has not been able to hold a national-level political dialogue (based on ethnicity) to this day. Similarly, the ALP has yet to hold a national-level political dialogue (based on ethnicity) in Rakhine State.
  
  § Chapter (6) of the NCA agreement stipulates the implementation of interim plans (rehabilitation and development programs), but they have not been implemented to date.
  
  § The NCA agreement stipulates that lower-level commanders must meet with one another to avoid territorial disputes and military conflict, but in practice, the process of meeting lower-level commanders between the Tatmadaw and the armed groups that have signed the NCA has not yet been implemented.
  
  § Since the NCA does not clearly define which areas are ceasefire areas, clashes have occurred both between armed groups that have signed the NCA (for example, the conflict between the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Karen National Union (KNU)) and between the Tatmadaw and groups that have signed the NCA (for example, the Tatmadaw and the RCSS, and the Tatmadaw and the KNU Brigade 5).
  
  § Although the NCA states that any project must be implemented after first negotiating and obtaining an agreement with the relevant armed groups operating in the area, when the parliament approves the budget, the Hluttaw implements the projects on its own, leading up to disputes and clashes between the Tatmadaw and the relevant armed group. (For example, clashes between the Tatmadaw and the KNU in Karen State) Therefore, the questions arise as to whether the Hluttaw has the right to influence the NCA agreement and whether the connection between the parliament and the NCA agreement is missing.
  
  § The preamble to the NCA has stated that we, the signatories of this Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), mutually resolve to work together to implement the provisions of this Agreement without fail until they are successfully completed, based on responsibility, accountability, and transparency, in order to achieve long-term and sustainable peace.

• However, if one of the NCA-signed groups says it is no longer attending meetings, the NCA agreement has become weak and there is no mechanism in place to address the situation if all peace processes come to a halt.

In November 2018, the entire peace process came to a standstill when the KNU, one of the NCA-signatories, announced a temporary suspension from attending official peace process meetings, and the RCSS announced a temporary suspension from attending official JMC meetings. And then, it is necessary to find a solution to how to deal with a situation in which any process could not be implemented.

Due to the political changes in Myanmar since February 1, 2021, the NCA's processes have been disputed, making it difficult to resolve whether it is still valid or invalid. The above-mentioned circumstances are the reasons that emerged from reviewing the NCA agreement and the implementation of the agreements contained in the NCA agreement. We all know that successfully implementing the peace process is a very difficult process.

To succeed in such a difficult process, it is necessary to review all aspects, identify gaps between reality and contractual conditions, and strive to make adjustments to achieve the best possible outcome.

The above points are based on the observations of an observer of the peace process, and may differ from the understandings and findings of the groups discussing the implementation of the NCA.

In any case, we will continue to monitor the work of relevant officials to ensure the effective implementation of the NCA and the agreements contained in the NCA.

Or, it remains to be seen whether they will learn from the NCA and implement another new agreement to move the peace process forward.