CNI News

26 September 2025

The relaxation of candidate requirements—allowing Union-level parties in Myanmar to submit candidate lists for only one-fourth of constituencies instead of half—is a good measure, said Sai Aik Pao, chair of the Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP).

On September 21, 2025, under an order by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the rule was amended so that political parties contesting nationwide are required to field candidates in only one-fourth of the total constituencies.

“Reducing the number of candidates required is a good step. Why? Because now all the other parties can compete. Previously, only six parties remained eligible to contest nationwide. That’s good. Our party planned to field over 600 candidates in 418 constituencies. But with this relaxation, everyone can participate. That’s a good thing,” he told CNI News.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing casting his vote

Union-level political parties will therefore no longer need to submit 417 candidates—half of the total 833 constituencies across 330 townships. Instead, if they can field candidates in one-fourth of the constituencies, they will be allowed to contest the election and will also be spared from the risk of deregistration.

Previously, the law stipulated that if a union-level party could not field 417 candidates or contest in at least 417 constituencies, it would be deregistered.

Sai Aik Pao with political party leaders

The easing of candidate requirements will have a significant impact on political parties, said SNDP chair Sai Aik Pao.

The Union Election Commission (UEC) has announced that Phase (1) of the election in Myanmar will be held on December 28, 2025, in 102 townships.

In the upcoming general election beginning December 28, elections will be held in a total of 712 constituencies across the three legislatures.

CNI News

26 September 2025

Although it had been stipulated that parties competing nationwide in the election must field at least 417 candidates—half of all constituencies—it has now been amended to allow participation if parties can field only one-fourth of the constituencies.

According to Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, chair of the Yangon Watch Group, this change may have been made out of concern that political parties would face difficulties.

Because of this amendment, political parties running at the Union level will no longer be required to field 417 candidates out of 833 constituencies across 330 townships. Instead, they will be allowed to contest if they can put forward candidates for just one-fourth of the constituencies, meaning they will be spared from the risk of party deregistration.

Previously, the law prescribed that if a political party could not field 417 candidates—or could not contest in at least 417 constituencies out of 833—it would be deregistered.

Union-level political parties

Currently, the Union Election Commission (UEC) has registered six political parties to contest nationwide and 51 parties to contest only within a single state or region.

Because Union-level parties could have faced serious difficulties, the UEC may have relaxed the rule, Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin told CNI News.

“Since political parties are facing difficulties, they want to ensure all six Union parties can participate at the Union level, and they are also worried other parties would face trouble, so they relaxed the rule. Only then will the parties be able to function properly. But if such a statement had been announced earlier, it would have been better. Now it’s a bit late. If they had issued this announcement earlier, there would have been more Union-level parties. Now the number of parties contesting at the Union level is quite small. That means the parliament will lack diversity. Especially, many military-appointed representatives could enter parliament.”, she said.

Originally, Article 12 (a) (i) of the Political Parties Registration Law prescribed that if a Union-level political party could not contest at least half of the constituencies in the general election—including seats for the Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw, and state/region Hluttaws (including national races Hluttaw representative constituencies)—it would lose the right to continue as a registered political party.

Meeting between UEC and political parties

Given the current situation, where it is not easy for parties to contest in more than half of the constituencies, other parties also raised concerns, which may have prompted this amendment, said U Myo Set Swe, former General Secretary of the National Democratic Force (NDF).

“U Ko Ko Gyi pointed out that in the current circumstances, it’s very difficult for parties to contest more than half the constituencies. For example, it might work in a PR system, but in FPTP it’s much harder. Because of these conditions, U Ko Ko Gyi submitted a letter to the government highlighting the difficulties. Other parties also raised similar points, so the government made this change. But since the amendment came only close to the election, it doesn’t really have much effect. Without the amendment, some parties would fail to meet the candidate threshold and face deregistration. That would cause serious difficulties for genuine multi-party democracy. So that’s why they made the change.”, he said.

The UEC has announced that Phase (1) of the election in Myanmar will be held on December 28, 2025, in 102 townships.

In the upcoming general election beginning on December 28, polls will be held for a total of 712 constituencies across the three legislatures.

CNI News

26 September 2025

Despite the Myanmar Tatmadaw having lost control over much of Rakhine State, elections may still be possible in 7 townships, said Dr. Aye Maung, chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), in an interview with CNI News.

Out of the 17 townships in Rakhine State, the Arakan Army (AA) currently controls 14, while the Myanmar Tatmadaw holds Sittwe, Manaung, and Kyaukphyu townships.

On September 14, the Union Election Commission (UEC) announced that elections would not be held in 56 townships across eight states and regions. However, the list of non-election areas did not include AA-controlled Ann, Thandwe, Taungup, and Gwa.

According to military sources, these townships were excluded in non-election areas because the military believes there is sufficient security to hold elections there. As a result, Dr. Aye Maung said it appears likely that elections will be conducted in 7 townships of Rakhine State.

A junction in Rakhine State

“Among the 102 townships scheduled for the first phase of elections in December, Ann, Thandwe, Taungup, and Gwa—currently under AA control—are included. This means the regional military commanders must regain control of those areas before October 31. From this situation, it looks like elections will indeed be held in 7 townships of Rakhine State.”, he said.

Townships where elections will not take place in Rakhine State include AA-controlled Ranbye, Pauktaw, Ponnagyun, Rathedaung, Buthidaung, Maungdaw, Kyauktaw, Minbya, Mrauk-U, and Paletwa.

Since the National Defense and Security Council has declared only 56 townships nationwide as areas where elections cannot be held, political analysts note that 7 townships in Rakhine are now considered possible election areas.

AA forces

Dr. Aye Maung added that the military has set October 31 as the deadline for regional commanders to make preparations to ensure elections can be held:

“The initial announcement excluded 63 townships from elections, but that number was later reduced to 56. The National Defense and Security Council has entrusted the Commander-in-Chief with ensuring stability and enabling elections. He then delegated responsibilities to regional commanders with instructions to create conditions for elections within 90 days. This means the 7 townships must be prepared for elections by October 31. But heavy clashes are ongoing along the Ann–Toungup road.”

Currently, six political parties are expected to contest in Rakhine State in the first phase of elections on December 28. These include the Arakan Front Party (led by Dr. Aye Maung), the Arakan National Party (led by U Ba Shein), the Rakhine State National Force Party, the Khami National Development Party, the Mro Ethnic Party, and the Mro Ethnic Development Party.

CNI News

25 September 2025

A total of 4,963 candidates from 57 political parties and independents will contest in Myanmar’s upcoming election, according to an announcement by the Union Election Commission (UEC) on September 23, 2025.

The submission of candidate lists took place between September 8 and 22, 2025, at respective sub-commissions.

Among the political parties submitting candidate lists are 6 parties contesting nationwide and 51 parties contesting within individual states and regions, along with independent candidates.

The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) submitted 1,018 candidates; the National Unity Party, 694 candidates; the People’s Pioneer Party, 672 candidates; the Myanmar Farmers Development Party, 428 candidates; the Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party, 584 candidates; and the People’s Party, 512 candidates.

In addition, the 51 state and regional parties collectively fielded 960 candidates, while independents submitted 95 candidates.

The UEC stated that the scrutiny of candidate lists would be carried out by sub-commissions between September 23 and October 4, 2025.

The first phase of the election will be held in 102 townships on December 28, 2025, while the remaining constituencies will go to the polls in January 2026.

CNI News

25 September 2025

Banmauk town in the northern part of Sagaing Region is currently being commented by military and political analysts regarding its importance for the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

The coalition forces led by the KIA launched an assault on Banmauk town on September 15, 2025, at a time when they were suffering military setbacks in Bhamo, and succeeded in capturing it on September 20.

After Banmauk was seized by the joint forces of KIA, PDF, and Kadu groups, the Myanmar military launched airstrikes on September 21.

According to Myanmar political analyst Dr. Aung Myo, if the KIA can hold Banmauk, it will be strategically convenient for transporting supplies, troops, and weapons throughout the northern Sagaing Region.

SNA troops

He told CNI News: “In Bhamo, the KIA is already losing. To compensate for that defeat and save face, they captured Banmauk. But Banmauk is in a Shanni area—there are no Kachins there, only Shanni and Burmans. It’s located at the head of the Mu River valley. Controlling Banmauk gives the KIA a foothold to move men, weapons, and supplies across the northern Sagaing Region. Because of its location, the KIA will try to hold it. But in the long run, the Myanmar Tatmadaw will likely gain the upper hand.”

Previously, security in Banmauk Township had been handled by the Shan Nationalities Army (SNA) Brigade 614, while the Myanmar Tatmadaw’s 77th Division was responsible for the town itself.

At present, the SNA is stationed on the western side of Banmauk, preparing for further battles as well as a counteroffensive to recapture the town.

PDFs spotted at Banmauk entrance

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI News that the Shanni forces lost Banmauk because reinforcements could not arrive in time:

“When the KIA attacked with overwhelming force, the forces defending Banmauk were insufficient, and reinforcements couldn’t come. That’s why the Shanni had to abandon the town. The KIA captured it to prevent large Myanmar Tatmadaw columns from entering their territory, because Banmauk is a gateway into KIA areas—it’s the edge of Sagaing Region that leads into their controlled zones. That’s why the KIA is determined to hold it. Bhamo, on the other hand, is being attacked for their dignity, I think.”, he said.

There is speculation that the KIA may continue its offensive against Htigyaing and Kawlin towns. Observers also note that it remains to be seen how long the KIA can actually hold Banmauk, and that by targeting Shanni territories, the KIA may also be attempting to cut off SNA strength.

Currently, the KIA is simultaneously launching town-seizing operations in Kachin State and Sagaing Region, while at the same time signaling openness to negotiations and peace talks with the Myanmar Tatmadaw.

CNI News

25 September 2025

On September 23, 2025, a Naga women’s security unit tasked with the protection of Ang Mai, Chairperson of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang/Ang Mai (NSCN-K/AM), was seen.

According to the NSCN-K/AM group, this women’s unit is part of Anne Mai’s broader security team and serves jointly in that role.

Ang Mai had previously served as the personal secretary and Home Minister under Chairman Khaplang of the NSCN-K. After Khaplang passed away in 2017, leadership of the NSCN-K was taken up separately by U Kham Ngor and U Yung Aung.

Later, in 2023, when NSCN-K/YA Chairman Yung Aung expelled Ang Mai, he established a splinter group, the NSCN-K/AM, on July 2, 2023.

At present, the Indian government has declared all NSCN-K factions as unlawful associations, with the designation set to take effect on September 28.

All NSCN-K factions are armed groups operating against India, composed of Naga militants who aim to unite the Naga territories across India and Myanmar to establish a sovereign Naga nation.

CNI News

24 September 2025

Political analysts pointed out that, for the upcoming election in Myanmar, the government should practically demonstrate arrangements for voter security so that people can actually go out and vote.

The Union Election Commission (UEC) has announced that the first phase of the election will be held in 102 townships on December 28, 2025, and the remaining townships will hold elections in phases two and three in January 2026.

Even in areas said to be under the rule of law, authorities have not been able to effectively maintain order. Therefore, during the election period, the government needs to show the public tangible security arrangements for voters, said Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, Chairperson of Yangon Watch Group, speaking to CNI News.

“Right now, in our country, the rule of law is in such a poor state that even in places claimed to be under the rule of law, the police cannot properly maintain order. In such times, the public is already worried about their safety even in normal circumstances. So when it comes time to vote, they’ll be even more concerned about security. The government says they’ve prepared many security measures, but they need to prove this in practice to the public. If they cannot guarantee the safety of the people who they want to come out and vote, then citizens cannot be blamed for not coming to vote. It’s simply because of their own security concerns. If they want people not to worry about security, they must strengthen the rule of law. Even under normal circumstances, law enforcement has been extremely weak. Misuse of the conscription law and other actions outside the rule of law have worsened things. If political parties stand firmly together with the people and work openly for them, then there’s no reason why people wouldn’t come out to vote.”, she said.

Revolutionary forces, however, have announced that they will strongly oppose the election to be held by the military, urging people not to vote or participate, and warning of effective action against those who cooperate.

While People were preparing to vote

As a result, the public faces difficulties in casting their ballots on December 28 due to security concerns. Similarly, some people are not willing to vote although they are included on the voter list, but they are worried because local administrators—who already have access to their household registration records—might cause problems for them if they don’t.

U Htet Aung Kyaw, former co-chairman of the National Democratic Force Party (NDF), told CNI News that authorities must prove there is peace and security so people can feel safe to vote.

“People should vote. In world history and Myanmar’s history, abstaining from voting never carried any real meaning. We’ve heard that police forces responsible for rule of law say they will enforce things strictly and firmly. However, since conflicts are ongoing and rule of law is weak in some areas, there are worries. The government needs to show that it is truly secure and peaceful. Only when people feel with certainty that they are safe and nothing will happen to them, can we say it is really secure.”, he said.

Revolutionary groups, however, have declared that they will sabotage the election to be held on December 28, 2025 at all costs and have warned that those participating in the election will not be guaranteed safety.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, meanwhile, enacted the “Law for Protection Against Obstruction, Disruption, and Destruction of Multiparty Democratic General Elections” on July 29, 2025.

According to this law, violators can be sentenced to a minimum of 10 years in prison, up to life imprisonment, or even the death penalty.

CNI News

23 September 2025

Local residents say they are facing security concerns after Banmauk town in northern Sagaing Region fell under the control of a coalition force led by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

The offensive to seize Banmauk was launched on September 15, 2025, by the KIA together with the Kadu armed group and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). By September 20, they managed to capture the town.

Sai Lin, a Banmauk resident, said: “Now Banmauk is controlled by the KIA, the Kadu armed group, and other PDFs. The Shan Nationalities Army (SNA) and the military have both retreated. But the locals are not happy—they are worried. That’s because the military is carrying out airstrikes and bombings. The longer the KIA stays, the more the town will be destroyed. People don’t trust the situation; arrests and killings could also happen. So, residents see this not as the liberation of the town but as its destruction. Their security is at risk.”

Until recently, security and stability in Banmauk had been primarily handled by the Brigade 614 of the SNA, while the Myanmar military’s 77th Division was stationed inside the town.

Following the takeover by the KIA, PDFs, and the Kadu group, the military launched airstrikes on September 21. With the Tatmadaw attacking by air and preparing counter offensives on the ground, the town has been facing destruction—validating residents’ fears, according to a military analyst monitoring the Sagaing conflict.

“The concerns of Bamauk residents are not baseless. We can see what happened in towns previously seized by the KIA-PDF alliance in Sagaing. Htigyaing was destroyed, Kawlin was destroyed—both towns fell back under military control, but by then they were already ruined and residents had lost homes and property. The same can be seen in Pinlebu. The resistance forces need to reassess this kind of town-capture strategy.”, he said.

Currently, SNA forces are holding the western part of Banmauk and preparing for renewed fighting, aiming to regain the town. The Myanmar military is also preparing further ground and air operations. Locals fear that if this continues, Banmauk will be devastated and they will be displaced as war refugees.

A local businessman commented: “Previously, when the SNA was responsible for security and the military was just stationed inside the town, there was no major conflict between the two. The town was stable, residents lived peacefully, businesses could operate, and people moved about freely. Now that resistance forces have taken the town, counterattacks are inevitable. That’s why locals are worried the town will be destroyed.”

Banmauk is a key entry point into Kachin State. Analysts suggest the KIA seized the town to cut off or block Myanmar military offensives into Kachin territory. They also warn that the KIA may soon expand operations to Hpakant and Kathar towns.

However, whether the KIA can hold onto Banmauk for long remains uncertain. Some observers believe the KIA’s attacks on Shanni areas aim to weaken SNA’s strength and influence.

While continuing town-capture offensives in Kachin State and Sagaing Region, the KIA is also simultaneously offering peace talks and negotiations with the Myanmar military.

CNI News

23 September 2025

Analysts are commenting on what kind of system the military is trying to implement — and what unusual developments may arise — as the Tatmadaw sends representatives to the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to compete in the elections.

ieutena This month, Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing dispatched retired generals, Lieutenant Generals, senior commanders, and even former civilian ministers to the USDP to contest the upcoming elections.

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), which signed the NCA, told CNI News that the influx of military figures into USDP looks more like an order-driven transfer than free choice:

“I don’t think they joined the USDP of their own free will. They are ordered by the military — once retired, they are assigned duties in the party. If the USDP wins the election, the new parliament and government will also be filled with military men. This looks like prearranged planning. It’s an order-based transfer into the party. In the past, Senior General Than Shwe and Vice Senior General Maung Aye quietly retired, giving parliament to General Shwe Mann and the presidency to General Thein Sein. It was a clever division of roles, which enabled them to rule for five years. This time, however, it seems different. The top commanders don’t appear willing to retire. They themselves may want to take positions where possible. So we can’t predict what kind of system they’ll shape, but it does look worrying.”

USDP party members

Senior General Than Shwe drafted the 2008 Constitution in a way that guaranteed continuous military participation in politics. He retired senior generals and sent them to the USDP to contest the 2010 general elections.

Subsequently, retired General Thein Sein led the USDP to form a government, while Min Aung Hlaing was promoted to Commander-in-Chief, and Than Shwe and Maung Aye stepped down.

According to Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, Chairperson of the Yangon Watch Group, the Tatmadaw prefers USDP candidates because they believe military men obey orders more than civilians:

“When you study the Tatmadaw, you find they have less trust in civilians. They believe their own officers have stronger discipline, better obedience, and are more capable. So they trust representatives emerging from the USDP more in terms of loyalty. I think they are preparing to control parliament systematically. Traditionally, when military officers retire, they go to USDP. The military and USDP are essentially one and the same — and the public widely believes this. Looking at the USDP's foundation, it was created by generals. The Tatmadaw has no sign of relying on any other civilian-led party. So naturally, they stick with the USDP.”

Government ministers

U Than Shwe originally founded the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) in 1993 as a social organization. But by 2010, ahead of the elections, he converted it into the USDP, retired generals into it, and had them contest the polls.

In the 2015 elections too, the Tatmadaw dispatched retired generals to the USDP. Reports now indicate that Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is preparing a similar move for the 2025 general election.

According to sources, senior figures recently sent to the USDP include retired generals such as Aung Lin Dwe, Tin Aung San, Myat Tun Oo, Lt-Gen Kan Myint Than, Lt-Gen Phone Myat, Lt. Gen. Thet Pon, Lt. Gen. Teza Kyaw, Lt. Gen. Lin Aung, Lt. Gen. Soe Tint Naing, and Maj-Gen Zaw Naing Oo, along with some former government ministers.

Myanmar’s 2025 elections are scheduled to begin in 102 townships on December 28, 2025 (Phase 1), with the remaining constituencies to follow in January 2026.