CNI News

26 December 2025

Political parties and observers are analyzing whether Myanmar’s national situation can truly change as expected if public turnout for the upcoming elections remains low.

The elections are scheduled in three phases: Part (1) on December 28, 2025; Part (2) on January 11, 2026; and Part (3) in the last week of January 2026.

A Vision for a National Unity Government Dr. Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), told CNI News that the election results could move the country in a positive direction, suggesting that political parties are more likely to become partners rather than rivals in the post-election landscape.

"Ultimately, even if the USDP (Union Solidarity and Development Party) wins more seats and the military representatives are included, and other parties have fewer seats than them—we believe the next five years will be the initial steps to break the cycle of civil war that has lasted from the early days of independence until now," Dr. Aye Maung said.

USDP Chairman U Khin Yi, and the State Security and Peace Commission Chairman Senior General Min Aung Hlaing

He expressed belief in a "National Unity Government" (NUG) that includes all stakeholders. "There is political momentum for a government that cannot be formed by a single party or by the military alone. We must form a government representing all sides and ethnic groups to achieve national reconciliation within these five years. I view this as a period of political responsibility assigned to us."

He added that if the public believes this "all-inclusive" political outcome is possible, voter turnout may increase. "Even if the USDP wins the majority of votes, I believe they will move the country forward by forming a collective, unified new government."

Opposing Views on Public Participation Independent candidate Daw Sandar Min argued that the public is no longer as hesitant about voting as they once were.

"Many people abroad don't know the reality on the ground, or they pretend not to. They think what they say from abroad is a big deal and tell people not to vote," she told CNI News. "But the success of this election doesn't depend on them. There isn't just a small number of voters in the country; there are already people ready to vote."

She noted that in her constituency of Latha Township, confusion among voters has diminished as the election date nears. "I don't think voter turnout will be low."

However, legal analysts point out that the 2008 Constitution does not specify a minimum voter turnout for an election to be valid; technically, even a single vote would make the result official.

Leaders of the NLD party.

Concerns Over Security and Fairness On the other hand, several Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), the NUG (National Unity Government), and PDF (People's Defense Forces) have issued warnings that they will disrupt the election and take action against those who participate.

Political observers note that while the public understands the importance of the election in changing the current political deadlock, many remain undecided due to:

Safety Concerns: Fear of attacks or repercussions for voting.

Lack of Fairness: Doubts about whether the election will be free and fair.

Absence of Major Parties: The exclusion of popular parties like the National League for Democracy (NLD), the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), and the original Arakan National Party (ANP) has led to perceptions that the USDP is headed for a one-sided victory, dampening public interest.

Observers warn that if voter turnout is low, moderate political parties will struggle to win seats. This could result in a lopsided parliament dominated by the USDP and the military, creating a political landscape without an effective opposition. In such a scenario, they argue, the genuine political change hoped for by the public remains unlikely.

CNI News

26 December 2025

U Zaw Wai Htet, Secretary of the People’s Pioneer Party (PPP) for the Ayeyarwady Region, told CNI News that the party is facing difficulties and constraints in its organizing efforts due to a lack of local familiarity in the region.

"The main difficulty is that in the 2020 General Election, the PPP was only able to contest in 8 townships within the Ayeyarwady Region. Now, we will be contesting in 26 townships," he said. "As a party, we are still relatively young and are considered a new party within Ayeyarwady. Therefore, organizing is difficult for us. Since we lack local familiarity, we face various challenges and pressures in our attempts to organize."

On August 20, the Union Election Commission (UEC) announced that Part (1) of the Multi-party Democracy General Election, scheduled for December 28, 2025, will be held in 102 townships. Eight townships in the Ayeyarwady Region—Kyonpyaw, Pathein, Maubin, Myaungmya, Kyangin, Myanaung, Labutta, and Hinthada—are included in this first phase.

Members of the PPP party in Ayeyarwady Region.

Strict Regulations and Administrative Hurdles U Zaw Wai Htet further explained that the primary challenge for the PPP is the strict regulations imposed by the UEC, which make operations difficult.

"We focus primarily on online outreach. However, in the rural areas of Ayeyarwady, you have to go in person. To do that, we have to obtain recommendations from homeowners and ward administrators to submit to the respective election commissions. This means we essentially have to visit a village twice," he explained.

"First, we have to find a house where we can hold a campaign speech. Once we find a house, we have to get the ward administrator's recommendation and the homeowner’s consent form and submit them to the commission. Only after submitting to the commission can we go back down to the village. These are the kinds of difficulties we face. The voters themselves are accepting; they cooperate with us enthusiastically. The main issue is just the UEC's strict regulations, which make it a bit difficult for our party to operate."

Members of the PPP party in Ayeyarwady Region.

According to the schedule:

Part (1) of the election will be held on December 28, 2025.

Part (2) will be held on January 11, 2026.

Part (3) is slated for the last week of January 2026.

The UEC also announced that elections will not be held in certain areas due to security or logistical reasons. In Part (1), elections would be skipped in the Baw Mi and Ma Gyee Zin village tracts of Pathein Township. Similarly, in Part (2), elections will not take place in the Kyun Lyar Gyi and Thit Phyu village tracts of Thabaung Township.

CNI News

25 December 2025

Following the shifts in Myanmar’s political landscape after February 1, 2021, various ethnic groups have voiced their respective desires for political status. Consequently, Mon politicians are currently analyzing and discussing the specific political landscape desired by the Mon people.

Mon politicians point out that, unlike some other ethnic groups, the Mon already have a designated State level. However, they emphasize that the current administrative system is not a democracy based on federalism.

Dr. Aung Naing Oo, a veteran Mon politician, told CNI News that the Mon people desire the right to self-determination and the right to choose their own administrative bodies.

"Regarding the political landscape we want to pursue, based on our Mon negotiations, the one point we all fundamentally agree on is the issue of federalism. In other words, we desire a democratic system based on federalism," he said. "Such a system means that the federal units—the States and Regions—must have the right to self-determination and the right to elect their own administrative bodies. That is the path we want to take. Additionally, we must hold substantial legislative powers ourselves. Simply put, we want a genuine federal system."

Historical records show that during the Revolutionary Council era in 1972, the Mawlamyine and Thaton districts of the Tenasserim (Tanintharyi) Division were designated as Tenasserim Division No. 1, while Dawei and Myeik districts were designated as Tenasserim Division No. 2. Later, on January 3, 1974, Tenasserim Division No. 1 was officially re-designated as Mon State.

The armed New Mon State Party seen

Currently, the Mon people primarily reside in Mon State, Kayin State, Yangon Region, Mandalay Region, Bago Region, and Tanintharyi Region, and are scattered throughout Myanmar. In Kayin State, they live in certain villages within Kawkareik, Hpa-an, and Kyainseikgyi townships, as well as in Myawaddy and Hlaingbwe townships.

Naing Than Shwe, spokesperson for the Mon Unity Party (MUP), told CNI News that for a Mon State that already exists, it is essential to implement local administration that best aligns with federal standards.

"In this election as well, our main focus is federalism. When we shape federalism, it involves levels of government, particularly the administrative sector," he said. "If we implement local governments according to federal standards, whether you call it self-administration or otherwise, it will be more beneficial for the public. Currently, if we look at the administration, the administrator of a township is not chosen by the local residents but is an official from the General Administration Department (GAD). When a local government cannot govern its own area, how can it develop that area? Locals lack the authority. Therefore, it is crucial to implement local administration effectively; this is consistent with federal standards."

Following the 2021 political changes, a group called the New Mon State Party - Anti-Dictatorship (NMSP-AD) broke away from the New Mon State Party (NMSP).

Subsequently, four Mon armed groups emerged: the Mon Liberation Army (MLA), the Mon National Liberation Army-Anti Dictatorship (MNLA-AD), the Mon State Defense Force (MSDF), and the Mon State Revolutionary Force (MSRF). These four groups have formed the "Mon Army" to conduct military operations.

While the Karen National Union (KNU) and PDFs under the NUG are also active in the region, Mon State currently remains relatively more stable compared to other states.

CNI News

25 December 2025

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission, has a high percentage chance of becoming the country’s president in the political landscape that will emerge after the election, said Dr. Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), speaking to CNI News.

He said that Min Aung Hlaing is the most capable individual who can continue and carry forward everything implemented during the past five-year period, given his extensive experience in Myanmar politics.

“Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has quite a high percentage when it comes to becoming president. His experience goes back to the time when he served as Commander-in-Chief under President U Thein Sein’s administration. After Senior General Than Shwe, he was a long-serving Commander-in-Chief. He has passed through two government terms. Personally, he has now governed the country up to the current five-year term. So when we consider how he will lead a future government, we need to think in line with the Constitution. First, if Senior General Min Aung Hlaing takes up the position of president, will he hand over the Commander-in-Chief post to someone already designated, and then serve as a civilian president? Second, will he appoint a president of his choosing while he himself, through constitutional powers, remains behind the scenes taking charge of national security and defense through mechanisms such as the Defense Council? When we analyze things like his agriculture-based development efforts to boost production and his work to promote education, he appears to be the individual most capable of carrying forward everything implemented during the past five years into the next five.”, he said.

Regarding the political situation that is yet to unfold after the election, it is difficult to predict the form it will take, said Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), which is a signatory to the NCA.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seen meeting with political parties

“Nothing is fixed yet in politics, and nothing is impossible. That’s why it’s hard to predict what form will emerge. If Senior General Min Aung Hlaing becomes president, he would need to step down from the military and become a civilian, like former presidents U Thein Sein, U Win Myint, and U Htin Kyaw. Only as a civilian can he become a president recognized internationally. So if he retires from the military and transfers authority, what form will that take? We need to think about that carefully. Also, electing and confirming the president is done by parliament, especially the Pyithu Hluttaw (Lower House) under the 2008 Constitution. It plays a major role. The party that wins a majority in the Lower House will nominate a presidential candidate. There will be three candidates: one nominated by the Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House), one by the Pyithu Hluttaw, and one by the military. Parliament then approves one of the three as president. In that situation, power struggles may arise. How the distribution of power will balance out and take shape is difficult for us to predict right now. At present, there are many possibilities and many options.”, he said.

Currently, various analyses are emerging regarding who will lead the government that will come after the election. Political observers believe that Senior General Min Aung Hlaing still maintains control over the three branches of power in the current situation.

Phase (1) of the election in Myanmar will be held on December 28, 2025. Phase (2) will take place on January 11, 2026, and Phase (3) will be held in the final week of January 2026.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has stated that he will transfer state power to the government that emerges following the election.

However, analysts in military and political affairs point out that if a civilian government emerging after the election is unable to properly administer the country amid ongoing armed conflicts, a situation could arise once again in which power must be returned to the military.

CNI News

25 December 2025

Sai Aik Pao, Chairman of the Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), told CNI News that he believes there will not be election fraud in the upcoming 2025 general election beginning on December 28, unlike the alleged irregularities in the 2020 general election.

On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) seized state power, claiming that the NLD government attempted to form a government without resolving disputes regarding the 2020 general election voter lists.

Following the takeover, a state of emergency was declared and the military has governed the country up to the present day, with the first phase of the new general election scheduled to begin on December 28, 2025.

USDP Chairman U Khin Yi

Sai Aik Pao stated that the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is expected to win first place due to its long-standing presence and strong membership, while the Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party could potentially secure second place.

“The USDP is a big party — no one can really compete with it. It has a lot of loyal party members. Our party is new, just two years old. The USDP has hundreds of thousands of members. No matter what happens, they’ll be number one. Compared to others, they have more members. And they have many campaign signboards. Our people have strong internal unity — we hand out pamphlets in the villages, and everyone wants them, reads them, talks about them, and says they will support Kyarr Phyu (SNDP). For that reason, we have a chance to be second. We believe the election will be free and fair. The Acting President has repeatedly said that the election will truly be free and fair. Since they claimed fraud in 2020, we believe this time such things will not happen again,” he said.

Six political parties will compete nationwide in the 2025 election: the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the National Unity Party, the Myanmar Farmers Development Party, the People’s Pioneer Party, the People’s Party, and the Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP).

Armed resistance groups and the National Unity Government (NUG) have dismissed the upcoming military-led election as a “sham election,” while observers have noted low public interest among ordinary citizens.

U Ko Ko Gyi, Sai Aik Pao, and other political party officials

Political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News that if voter turnout is high, other parties will gain seats more evenly, but if voter turnout is low, the USDP is likely to win a majority.

“If the public is not interested and voter turnout is low, the USDP will likely win more seats. Based on previous patterns in 2010 and 2015, roughly a solid 20 percent of voters consistently vote for the USDP. If the public doesn’t vote, the USDP could win most constituencies. But if people go out and vote, other parties and individual candidates will receive a balanced share of votes. If voter turnout is high, the results will be more equal. But if turnout is low, the USDP could win a majority. So we must watch closely,” he said.

The election will be held in three phases, with Phase 1 taking place in 102 townships on December 28.

In the upcoming multi-party democratic general election, the USDP — whose members include individuals affiliated with the military — will field more than 1,000 candidates.

CNI News

25 December 2025

Democracy should not only be spoken about in a mobilizing and persuasive manner, but also practiced in reality, said Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization that signed the NCA (PNLO-NCA/S), in an interview with CNI News.

He stated: “During President U Thein Sein’s five-year term, we saw that matters were managed and maintained to a certain extent. Later, during Daw Suu’s five-year term, we also saw that things were conducted with some balance and restraint. But these things only lasted ten years. After ten years, the essence of democracy faded away. Now the current leaders are loudly proclaiming that they will revive and re-cultivate multi-party democracy. However, the true essence of democracy, the essence of a multi-party system, and what is called civilian supremacy—the fundamental value of democratic nations—must be meaningfully realized. So rather than giving speeches that merely sound good and focus on persuasion, it is necessary to put democracy into practice. That is what I believe,” he said.

On December 10, 2025, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said during the graduation parade of Defense Services Officer Training Course No. 26 that the survival of a multi-party democratic system is crucial for the emergence of a Union based on democracy and federalism.

He stated that in building a Union grounded in democracy and federalism, Myanmar should not simply copy and apply the systems of other countries, but develop a democratic and federal system that is suitable for the country itself.

Although the current leaders who govern Myanmar have said they will build a Union based on democracy and federalism, U Khin Yi, Chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said during a campaign rally that any new government unable to closely cooperate with the Tatmadaw would fall from power soon after taking office.

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the PNLO-NCA/S, told CNI News that such a statement contradicts the true nature of democracy and that Myanmar’s political system has been flawed since the time of Prime Minister U Nu.

He stated: “Myanmar's political system has been wrong since U Nu’s time—since after the Panglong Agreement was signed. The Agreement was signed, but its terms were not implemented. After General Aung San passed away, a unitary system was established under the name of the Union. Within that system, U Nu proclaimed that the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) would rule for 40 years, but cracks appeared within about 14 years. Sides emerged—those who cooperated with the military and those who did not. From then on, political leaders who lacked sincerity did not establish the true essence of democracy, but instead created a unitary system under which one group ruled over all ethnicities. As a result, beginning from General Ne Win, the military entered into politics and gained political power—something that has continued for more than 50 years up to the present day. Some individuals still want to maintain this historical background, while others think it is no longer necessary. But those two sides have not yet met openly and genuinely discuss solutions. Because that has not yet happened, we remain trapped in this stalemate. From what I hear in U Khin Yi’s speech, it implies that regardless of who forms the government, the military will retain control. Under those circumstances, I don’t think we will see any major positive change. But ultimately, it depends on the sincerity, vision, and mindset of the leaders. That is what will determine the final outcome in the future,” he said.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing also said that since the implementation of elections is essential for the survival of the multi-party democratic system, the eagerly anticipated nationwide general election will begin on December 28.

In Myanmar, Election Phase (1) will be held on December 28, 2025, followed by Phase (2) on January 11, 2026, and Phase (3) in the final week of January 2026.

He stated that power will be transferred to the political party that wins the election and that the military will only continue to carry out national defense duties.

CNI News 

25 December 2025

Among the disabled candidates who will participate in the election, there are diverse policy views regarding what priorities they will take up in parliament(Hluttaw) after the election.

U Mann Win Than, who will contest as a Pyithu Hluttaw candidate from the People’s Pioneer Party (PPP), told CNI News that creating employment opportunities for the disabled will be his main priority.

“Employment opportunities are among the top priorities for both disabled and non-disabled people across the country. For persons with disabilities, access to employment already falls under the priority program of youth employment. If we ask where this agenda begins, it doesn’t start directly from employment. It begins by reducing prices or stabilizing prices. If prices naturally reflect the true value of goods, people will need income to afford them. Only trying to reduce prices is not the real solution. If market forces naturally push prices up, people need sufficient income to match those rising prices. To earn income, jobs are needed. To have jobs, employment opportunities must be created. We cannot simply let the market run freely. The government must be involved. Its involvement should not be excessive interference, but rather support based on what it can provide—with parliament pushing for such action. Therefore, employment opportunities for persons with disabilities are already included under the broader national priority of employment and income generation for everyone,” he said.

According to the 2014 Population Census, there are more than two million persons with disabilities in Myanmar, and around seven million family members living with them. It is estimated that 85% of persons with disabilities are unemployed.

Although persons with disabilities are willing and capable of working, most employers show very little interest in hiring them, resulting in limited employment opportunities.

U Win Zaw Tun, a Pyithu Hluttaw candidate from the Shan and Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), told CNI News that the three main priorities in parliament after the election will be employment opportunities, education, and disability issues.

“The most important thing is demanding rights for persons with disabilities. Next, we must ensure more employment opportunities for young people and improve wage levels. Education also needs strong support. Since I myself am a teacher, I give great importance to education and will work to improve it. The three main priorities are: youth affairs, education, and disability issues. There are various vocational programs for persons with disabilities — hairdressing courses, painting and design courses, etc. Those who are educated, such as disabled persons skilled in computers, can work efficiently in office jobs. For such people, we will work to help them get office jobs. For those without formal education, we will provide training that enables them to be self-reliant. We have plans to promote vocational programs for persons with disabilities both in Yangon and across the regions so that livelihood training centers can emerge,” he said.

In Myanmar, persons with disabilities often face discrimination in workplaces, and companies willing to hire them are still limited. Disability rights advocates point out that persons with disabilities should also be trained in vocational skills in order to secure sustainable livelihoods.

CNI News

19 December 2025

Following the election, discussions are underway among military and political analysts about how the conscription law should be systematically regulated in the parliament (Hluttaw) that will emerge afterward.

The People’s Military Service (Conscription) Law was enacted on February 10, 2024, with the aim of enabling citizens to fulfill national defense and security responsibilities. As of now, up to the 20th intake of conscription training has already been conducted.

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thinn, founder of the Yangon Watch Group, told CNI News that many authorities are abusing the conscription law, and that once a parliament is formed, the entire process should be systematically reviewed and reformed.

She said:“These are issues we have been talking about repeatedly. The conscription law is not being implemented as the Vice Commander-in-Chief claims, nor as Major General Zaw Min Tun describes at the grassroots level. There are many authorities who are abusing this law. That’s why people are told to file complaints if they are dissatisfied—but even when complaints are filed, the situation only stays quiet for two or three months. Then after another four months, money is collected from the public again. They pool money to ‘buy’ a substitute for military service. In some areas now, the price for a substitute has reached up to 8 million kyats per person. These facts cannot be denied. Are there actions taken against this? Yes, there are some. But do these problems disappear? No, they don’t.

 A view of Hluttaw

So if conscription can be postponed, it should be postponed. If it cannot be postponed and must continue, then the systems for collecting money and recruiting new conscripts must be fundamentally reformed. There must be greater accountability, responsibility, and transparency. This is a process that must be corrected—and once parliament is formed, this is something that must be done immediately.”

Independent candidate Daw Sanda Min told CNI News that the conscription law was originally enacted with the intention that every citizen should regard themselves as a soldier when the country is invaded from abroad. She said the law should be collectively discussed and reformed in parliament.

She said:“In the past, we didn’t see this kind of destructive criticism regarding the conscription law. But now, when people say things like ‘you enter the military today and you’ll be dead tomorrow,’ we cannot simply say that this law should be abolished. The situation doesn’t allow for that. However, many educated people will enter parliament. If all of them come together and negotiate collectively, we should be prepared to defend the country if it is invaded from abroad. We believe that the conscription law should be reformed through collective discussion, and every member of parliament believes this as well. If everyone discusses it together, I think a solution will emerge.”

Welcoming new conscripts

Military and political analysts also point out that due to the conscription law, many young people in Myanmar are leaving the country, while others are being forcibly recruited. As a result, the number of young people of working age has declined.

Along with population decline, analysts note that Myanmar is facing labor shortages, slowing industrial production, and increased risks and hardships.

At present, intense fighting between the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) and armed groups continues across the country. Because of this, both sides are accelerating the forcible recruitment of young people for military service.

As a result, political parties and political analysts are making efforts through various means to halt forced conscription by armed groups.

CNI News

19 December 2025

As Myanmar prepares to hold an upcoming election, observers are closely watching the level of public interest among people in the Ayeyarwady Region.

According to U Zaw Htun, an independent candidate who will contest in Dedaye Township, Ayeyarwady Region is an area that has chosen not to pursue armed struggle but instead is waiting for a new government to emerge through elections and democratic processes. He told CNI News:

“Ayeyarwady Region is a peaceful area. We do not take the path of armed solutions. In the 26 townships of Ayeyarwady Region, a legislature will re-emerge through democratic means. There is a principle of resolving political issues by forming a government within parliament through elections. This region is simply waiting for the election date so that a new government can emerge again through electoral means. Even when people have national ID cards but find their names missing from the voter list, they are actively applying using Form-3. This is for the country’s future. The public, the Election Commission, township administrators, and the General Administration Department are working together in cooperation.”

 Ayeyarwady Region government is being demonstrated how to vote

On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) seized state power after ousting the NLD government, accusing it of attempting to form a government without resolving voter list disputes from the 2020 general election. Since then, a state of emergency has been declared, and the country has been governed under it up to the present year, 2025.

However, U Zaw Way Htet, Secretary of the Ayeyarwady Region branch of the People’s Pioneer Party (PPP), told CNI News that public interest in the election among people in Ayeyarwady Region appears to be quite low.

He said:“Among the public, we do see weak interest in the election. The reason for this is that after going through two previous elections, people observed that candidates were only visible during campaign periods. Once they reached parliament, they were unable to effectively deliver for their voters. Because of that weakness, many people now feel that after elections, nothing really changes. As a result, interest in both the election itself and in parliamentary candidates has declined. At present, voters are facing economic hardship and social difficulties, and this has further reduced their enthusiasm.”

Ayeyarwady Region government is being demonstrated how to vote

He added, however, that interest does increase among some people when parties go and meet them in person to explain their policies. For example, when his party explains that it plans to stabilize commodity prices within 100 days, some members of the public become more interested.

The Myanmar military has announced that Phase (1) of the election will be held on December 28, 2025; Phase (2) on January 11, 2026; and Phase (3) in the final week of January 2026.

The Union Election Commission has also announced that during Phase (1), elections will not be held in Bawmi Village Tract and Magyizin Village Tract in Pathein Township, Ayeyarwady Region. Similarly, during Phase (2), elections will not be held in Kyun Shar Gyi Village Tract and Thit Phyu Village Tract in Thabaung Township.