CNI News

15 October 2025

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission, stated that national culture is an inheritance as important as life for the ethnic people of a country and must be preserved.

He made the remarks on October 13, 2025, at the award ceremony for the 26th Myanmar Traditional Cultural Arts Competition (Singing, Dancing, Composing, and Playing).

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said, "National culture is an inheritance as important as life for the ethnic people of a country and must be preserved. The higher the national culture, the higher the standard of the nation and the people, enabling them to stand tall in the world. Our own national identity, inherent value, and standard are expressed only through national culture."

A total of 1,672 contestants from various Regions and States participated in the 26th Myanmar Traditional Cultural Arts Competition (Singing, Dancing, Composing, and Playing).

Subsequently, the awards were distributed as follows: Yangon Region (59 awards), Mandalay Region (47 awards), Ayeyarwady Region (37 awards), Sagaing Region (33 awards), Bago Region (22 awards), Mon State (21 awards), Magway Region (14 awards), Kayah State (17 awards), Shan State (13 awards), Rakhine State (10 awards), Kayin State (12 awards), Tanintharyi Region (13 awards), Chin State (10 awards), and Kachin State (5 awards).

CNI News

15 October 2025

Political and military analysts have pointed out that Myanmar is currently experiencing a leadership vacuum, which has led to fragmentation among those attempting to resolve the country’s ongoing political crisis and armed conflicts.

They emphasized that urgent international accountability and protection mechanisms are needed to prevent further escalation of the crisis and to safeguard civilians. U Kyaw Moe Tun stated at the United Nations that ASEAN alone cannot shoulder such a massive responsibility.

U Myo Kyaw, from the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), also told CNI News that not only is the general public suffering, but opposition political forces are also deeply divided and lacking leadership.

Leaders of BPLA, TNLA, and NUG seen together

He said: “It’s fair to say that the people have done their part — they’ve taken responsibility. But now, as the people continue to suffer, the opposition political forces are fragmented, and unity is very weak. As a result, leadership has been lost. That raises the question of who can truly guarantee and represent the people. We continue to speak out within our own capacity, but it’s not enough yet. Therefore, to give real assurances to the people, we need both public discussions through the media and the establishment of a stronger alliance through common agreements. Through such alliances, I believe the people will have a voice.”

Myanmar’s ongoing crisis began on February 1, 2021, when the military ousted the National League for Democracy (NLD) government, accusing it of failing to address alleged voter list irregularities in the 2020 general election and of attempting to form a new government. The coup sparked nationwide protests and armed resistance movements, which continue unresolved to this day.

Political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI News that while there are many individual leaders and factions, there is currently no single leader accepted by all sides.

Leaders from international organizations, EAOs, and the Myanmar Tatmadaw

He said: “There are leaders everywhere — everyone has their own. But what’s really missing is a leader who can be accepted by all. Everyone has their own leadership figure, but there’s no one who can unify everyone under a single direction. So for now, there’s a leadership vacuum. If we talk about elections, for instance, which is better — having an election or not? Having an election is better. And which is better — having a parliament or not? Having a parliament is better. Everyone knows and accepts that. The issue now is how to distinguish between what’s genuine and what’s fake. If we don’t accept that, then what will we do next? It’s already been five years — what has become of us now? That’s the measure we should reflect upon.”

Analysts noted that Myanmar still lacks any concrete political agreements, and the peace process remains stalled.

Likewise, while the Myanmar military continues to hold its position as a central actor in the political dialogue, there is no shared understanding among opposition and resistance forces regarding who should lead or represent them in negotiations.

CNI News
14 October 2025

Some Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) jointly issued a statement on October 13, 2025, urging representatives from the United Nations (UN), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the international community not to attend the 10th Anniversary Ceremony of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

The joint statement was released by NCA signatories — the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), Chin National Front (CNF), Karen National Union (KNU), New Mon State Party (NMSP - breakaway group), Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), and Lahu Democratic Union (LDU).

In their statement, the EAOs said that during the NCA implementation process, the Myanmar military had dominated and controlled the process, blocked it with its military-centered policies, and repeatedly violated the agreements, thereby preventing the NCA’s true implementation. Nevertheless, the groups stated that they had continued to pursue peace and the goal of building a future federal democratic union with patience and perseverance, and as a result, were able to reach some agreements.

They added:

“However, the February 2021 military coup completely destroyed the essence, principles, and objectives of the NCA. The implementation process was halted, turning the NCA into nothing more than a piece of paper.”

EAOs seen issuing their joint statement

The EAOs also emphasized that participating in the junta’s ceremonial events would amount to supporting the Myanmar military, which continues to bomb and kill civilians daily and forcibly conscript young people into its army. They urged the UN, ASEAN, and international diplomats to stand with the people of Myanmar by refraining from attending the NCA 10th Anniversary Ceremony organized by the military regime.

The NCA was originally signed on October 15, 2015, by the Karen National Union (KNU), Chin National Front (CNF), All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), and the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army – Peace Council (KNU/KNLA-PC).

Later, on February 13, 2018, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) also signed the NCA.

Seven NCA signatories in discussion with the NSPNC

However, on February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military staged a coup d’état, claiming that the National League for Democracy (NLD) government had failed to address alleged voter list irregularities in the 2020 general election and was attempting to form a new government. The coup triggered widespread public opposition and armed resistance movements nationwide.

Among the NCA signatories, the ABSDF, KNU, and CNF withdrew from the NCA and have since taken up arms against the Myanmar military. Within other signatory groups such as PNLO, NMSP, LDU, and ALP, internal divisions have emerged — with some factions joining the armed resistance against the military while others continue to adhere to the NCA framework.

CNI News

13 October 2025

Everyone is watching with great interest to see why the People's Pioneer Party (PPP) was unsuccessful in its request for military candidates.

At the PPP's third press conference, held on October 8, 2025, at the Sedona Hotel in Yangon, Party Chairperson Dr. Thet Thet Khine stated that the party had requested 8 young military candidates to represent the party but the military did not send them.

She explained to the media, "I requested 8 military candidates to represent the party, and I specifically requested them by name, but they were not given. That is the clearest answer. This is the truth. I asked for 8 military personnel, and the individuals themselves also had the desire. However, the military did not give them to our party. Nevertheless, when asked if there are no military personnel in our party, there are. Those are individuals who retired from the military and became civilians or those who retired from the military, worked in government civilian departments, and have now taken a pension. Speaking of the military, the military is an organization that protects the non-negotiable sovereignty of a country. Our party will build a civil-military relationship that will always recognize the military."

The list of candidates who will contest for the People's Pioneer Party is seen.

U Myo Kyaw of the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) told CNI that the PPP party might have requested candidates from the military to align with the military's wishes and to gain power. He suggested this might be viewed through a business lens rather than a democratic one, as the party is led by a businesswoman.

He stated, "They (PPP) are currently acting in accordance with the wishes of the military commission. In other words, their approach is not democratic. Even though they say they will contest the election, the reality is that they are pursuing power and are reliant on what the military commission provides. That's why I understand they requested candidates from the military. Under the previous government, they primarily attacked and criticized what they saw as unfair spending of funds by that government. They criticized democratic groups but do not mention the corruption and unjust wealth accumulation of the current military leaders. I see it as them looking for a way to partner with these dictators to see what they can gain. It might also be because they are business people. Why? Because it seems like they are pursuing a common interest with the military and its associates instead of focusing on the people."

The first phase of Myanmar's general election is scheduled to take place on December 28, 2025, in 102 townships.

The PPP is reported to have submitted a list of 672 candidates to contest in the election across the country.

The People's Pioneer Party

Political analyst Dr. Aung Myo told CNI that the PPP's claim of requesting military candidates might be an attempt to convince the public that their party is composed entirely of civilians.

He said, "The reason for her request is that some of the military personnel are interested in politics, mostly the educated groups. Quite a lot of the educated strata go to Dr. Thet Thet Khine. So, it is possible that some educated officers in the military went to Dr. Thet Thet Khine and suggested they wanted to run. It's not more than that. However, I understand she said this because she wants the public to believe that the party is composed entirely of civilians. We don't know clearly whether it is the attitude of the authorities or the attitude of the individuals. Therefore, because there is room for suspicion, it is better not to talk about this issue further."

The PPP was founded by Dr. Thet Thet Khine on October 23, 2019, and contested with over 200 candidates in the 2020 general election. However, the PPP did not win a single seat in the 2020 general election.

Subsequently, when the administration led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing enacted a law for political parties to re-register in 2023, the PPP reapplied as a Union-level political party and was granted registration on June 5, 2023.

CNI News
11 October 2025

In the current political situation in Myanmar, figures who had served as negotiators during the administration of former President U Thein Sein should be brought back to participate in dialogue, said Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), in an interview with CNI News.

He also stated that relevant leaders should reconsider their approach of only accepting meetings with invitees who attended, instead of taking the initiative to go out and meet counterparts directly.

“U Thein Sein is old now, but there are people he used to work with — people like U Aung Min and U Soe Thein. They are skilled individuals who were very capable in dialogues and negotiations, both formally and informally. If such experienced people were given authority and brought back into action, it could help restore communication channels. Now, it will be better if such people are formed into a negotiation team. At present, there is no such team. When others come to meet, the military goes out to meet them. But the military hardly goes out and meet with other groups. That’s something leaders should rethink. If they truly want peace, they should be willing to go and meet others themselves — that’s how informal meetings begin. But right now, that kind of informal discussion doesn’t happen. They only invite people to Nay Pyi Taw. And usually, those who come to Nay Pyi Taw are already allied organizations. So yes, they can meet. But for those groups currently regarded as enemies, it’s impossible for them to go to Nay Pyi Taw.”, said Colonel Khun Okkar.

On September 26, 2024, the State Administration Council (SAC) announced an invitation to ethnic armed organizations and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) to lay down their arms and resolve political issues through political means.

Furthermore, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing stated at a peace forum held in Nay Pyi Taw on June 25, 2025, that the door to peace remains open for groups including the PDFs and other “terrorist organizations.”

However, military and political analysts have pointed out that these peace overtures have not been effective.

Currently, most ethnic armed organizations fighting against the Myanmar Tatmadaw are primarily focused on ethnic rights, while the National Unity Government (NUG) is pursuing democracy and ideological goals, said political analyst Dr. Aung Myo in an interview with CNI News.

“Their stances are different. For example, if we ask, ‘Are we talking about ethnic armed groups or the NUG?’ — that’s the key question. Ethnic armed groups focus on ethnic rights, while the NUG emphasizes democracy and ideology. The current government also claims to be pursuing democracy and ideology. So, in that sense, both sides — the NUG and the military — claim to be walking the same path toward democracy. That means there’s nothing to talk about; the military won’t see any point in engaging with the NUG. But when it comes to ethnic issues, that’s where dialogue is still possible. So, the NUG, as an ideological group, is unlikely to be accepted by the Tatmadaw, while ethnic-based groups might still be acceptable.”, said Dr. Aung Myo.

Analysts further noted that while the authorities are inviting dialogue, such talks are difficult to hold formally because the groups being invited have been officially declared terrorist or unlawful organizations.

Therefore, some suggest that removing these groups from the terrorist list would be a necessary step to enable genuine dialogue. They added that informal discussions about such removals have reportedly been taking place in some meetings.

Despite ongoing invitations to peace talks, the lack of an official negotiation team has made progress difficult, said Colonel Khun Okkar of the PNLO-NCA/S.

He explained:

“Yes, peace invitations are being made. But without a negotiation team to carry them out, it becomes difficult. During President U Thein Sein’s time, when peace talks were held, a negotiation team was immediately formed and sent to facilitate informal meetings. Now, without such a team or informal outreach, just sending invitations doesn’t lead to meaningful dialogue.”

According to him, the Myanmar Tatmadaw should also establish clear criteria and standards for engaging with armed groups in peace processes — defining what conditions need to be met for acceptance.

Previously, the military had refused to recognize groups such as the AA, TNLA, and MNDAA, citing that they lacked sufficient military strength, controlled territory, or ongoing battles at the time. However, it had expressed willingness to include those who laid down their arms in the peace process.

CNI News

11 October 2025

Local residents displaced by fighting in upper Sagaing Region’s Banmauk Township are in urgent need of food supplies, according to local reports.

The joint military operation to seize Banmauk Town was carried out by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), People’s Defense Force (PDF), and the Kadu Defense Force.

Those fleeing the conflict have taken refuge in areas controlled by the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) in the western part of Banmauk, and others have fled to territories controlled by the KIA-PDF-Kadu joint forces in the south. Some are hiding in the forests, unable to enter any group’s territory.

A resident of Banmauk told CNI News that the displaced people urgently need food, medicine for health care and fuel for transportation.

SNA distributing food to displaced civilians in Banmauk

“Basically, we’re all displaced by the war. Some IDPs have gone into SNA-controlled areas, and some into PDF-controlled zones. In between, there’s no one to help organize aid for the locals. Right now, the most urgent needs are food and shelter. Medicine is also needed, and fuel for travel.”, he said.

Currently, there are around 5,000 displaced people in Banmauk Township.

Of them, over 1,000 have taken refuge in SNA-controlled areas, while others are hiding in the jungle or in areas held by the KIA-PDF-Kadu alliance.

The SNA has been providing food assistance and basic healthcare to 168 displaced persons and over 260 government staff who fled from Khobyin and Nyaung Thaya villages in Banmauk Township.

However, locals say that due to poor phone and road connections in Banmauk, it has been very difficult to deliver humanitarian aid, and so far, neither the government nor international organizations have provided assistance.

“Right now, there’s no one who can help. We don’t even know where people from each village have fled to. There’s no phone signal in those areas. Some places have limited wireless internet access, and that’s how we get a bit of information. Even those who want to help can’t reach the IDPs.”, said another resident.

The Banmauk offensive, launched jointly by the PDF, KIA, and Kadu forces on September 15, led to the capture of Banmauk Town on September 20.

After that, the Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) and the Myanmar Tatmadaw regrouped and launched a counteroffensive on October 4.

Heavy clashes are now taking place around Banmauk Town.

CNI News

10 October 2025

Malaysia’s Foreign Minister, H.E. Mr. Hasan, stated that ASEAN would cooperate to ensure that Myanmar’s upcoming general election is conducted successfully.

The Malaysian Foreign Minister made this remark during his meeting with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission, in Naypyidaw on October 9, 2025.

Mr. Hasan said, “We are pleased to see Myanmar’s preparations for holding a multi-party democratic general election. ASEAN will work together to help make Myanmar’s efforts as successful as possible.”

He added that Malaysia would like to encourage the holding of an inclusive election and that election observation teams would also be sent.

Myanmar’s multi-party democratic general election (Part 1) is scheduled to be held on December 28, 2025, in 102 townships across the country.

The remaining townships are planned to hold elections in January 2026.

CNI News

10 October 2025

All eyes are on how undocumented Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand are coping with difficulties in converting their Certificates of Identification (CI) into “Passport for Job” (PJ) passports.

Those who successfully changed from CI to PJ passports used to be able to travel not only within Thailand but also to other countries. However, since September 25, a new stamp has been added to PJ passports stating that they can only be used for living and working in Thailand and for returning to Myanmar.

For Myanmar migrant workers holding CI documents who plan to live and work only in Thailand, this restriction might not cause serious problems. However, those who wish to continue their education abroad are reportedly facing significant setbacks due to the new limitations.

The Myanmar Embassy in Thailand

Similarly, migrants hoping to seek better opportunities in third countries have also been negatively affected, said U Min Oo, the labor affairs officer of the Foundation for Education and Development (FED), in an interview with CNI News.

“For those who plan to stay and work only in Thailand, it’s not really an issue. But among them, some workers later want to further their education or move to other countries — for those people, this is a huge loss. Many fled to Thailand for various reasons, and after settling as workers, they now wish to study in third countries. For them, this restriction is a major setback.”, he said.

According to U Thein Tun Oo, Director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies Group, such policy changes are often made by governments in response to national needs, and some negative consequences are inevitable.

Officials issuing CI documents to Myanmar migrant workers

“When a law or policy is implemented out of necessity, there are always some side effects. These are unavoidable consequences. No law can perfectly cover and benefit 100 percent of people. Most of the time, laws are designed to protect what’s important to the country, and in doing so, some side effects will naturally occur. That’s part of the process when enforcing laws or policies.”, he explained.

Meanwhile, U Aung Kyaw, who works with migrant labor affairs, told CNI News that the restriction limiting passport use only to Thailand and Myanmar is unprecedented and inappropriate, as no other country applies such measures to its citizens abroad.

He said: “No country in the world does this. As far as I know, no country issues a passport that restricts its holder to live only in one country. Imposing such a limitation on all Myanmar nationals and migrant workers is completely inappropriate, in my opinion.”

Myanmar migrant workers holding CI documents are now hoping that the government will ease or lift the new restrictions.

Similarly, other CI holders are urging the authorities to clarify the reasons behind the new limitations and to take steps to avoid circumstances that could lead to further restrictions.

CNI News

10 October 2025

Theinni, a town in northern Shan State currently under the control of the Kokang armed group (MNDAA), could reach a balanced settlement between the MNDAA and the Myanmar Tatmadaw with China’s guarantee, said Colonel Khun Okkar, chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), to CNI News.

Military and political analysts point out that since both the Myanmar military and China are prioritizing control over border trade routes, efforts are being made to reestablish control over Theinni, a town strategically important for China–Myanmar border trade.

According to Colonel Khun Okkar, there is no plan to retake Theinni by force. If China guarantees the MNDAA a degree of administrative autonomy similar to that of the Wa region, a fair settlement could be achieved.

“At the moment, there’s no intention to resolve the issue through fighting. The military also knows that if they fight for something that can be settled through negotiation, people will suffer and there will be loss of property. So, like in Lashio, they will probably settle it through negotiation. China will have to give some guarantees. If China guarantees the MNDAA a level of control similar to the Wa region, allowing them to manage their territory well, then the exchange could be fair, and Theinni could be handed over to the Myanmar Tatmadaw by the MNDAA. But the military will have to guarantee that. The idea is to allow them to govern their area properly. The Wa already have such an arrangement, and giving similar rights to another group wouldn’t be a big loss. However, both China and the Myanmar Tatmadaw want control over towns along the Union Highway because the closure of trade routes is not in their interest.”, he said.

MNDAA troops

Reports suggest that within the past two months, there have been five meetings between the MNDAA and the Myanmar Tatmadaw to discuss administrative control over Theinni.

Theinni is a key town for China–Myanmar border trade routes. Within Theinni District, the MNDAA’s taxation department operates six inspection gates along the border trade routes in Muse and Chinshwehaw, allowing 24-hour transport and trade of goods, according to an MNDAA statement issued in August.

Maj-Gen Khun Okkar also noted that Theinni serves as a defensive front for the MNDAA, and if the group receives political guarantees, it would not suffer losses from handing the town back.

“Theinni is like a frontline defense position for the Kokang MNDAA. If they hand it back but receive political guarantees, they won’t lose anything. What they want is full political guarantees and rights. It depends on how strong their control area will be. Based on that, I think they’ll reach a settlement over Theinni. It doesn’t look like either side will resume fighting. Since both sides have already agreed to a ceasefire, it will likely be resolved through negotiations.”, he said.

The MNDAA seized control of Theinni during the first phase of the 1027 Operation launched by the Northern Alliance (MNDAA, TNLA, and AA) in northern Shan State on October 27, 2023.

Theinni town

Later, during the second phase of the operation in August 2025, the MNDAA also captured Lashio, the headquarters of the Myanmar Tatmadaw’s Northeastern Command.

However, due to China’s mediation, the MNDAA handed Lashio back to the Myanmar Tatmadaw in April 2025.

Among the border trade points, Muse’s 105-Mile Trade Zone is the largest, and Chinshwehaw is the second largest. Both trade zones must be accessed through Theinni, making the town strategically essential.

Although the Myanmar Tatmadaw regained control of Lashio, analysts say that it must also retake Theinni to reopen the trade routes between northern Shan State and China.

Currently, the Myanmar Tatmadaw has retaken Kyaukme and Naungcho—towns along the China–Myanmar trade routes previously controlled by the TNLA—in July and October 2025.

Afterward, the Tatmadaw has continued offensive operations toward Hsipaw.