CNI News

30 December 2025

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chair of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI News that a round of political dialogue may emerge after the election as a means to resolve the ongoing armed conflicts and political crisis in Myanmar.

Myanmar held the first phase of the 2025 general election on December 28, 2025, and the second phase will be held on January 11, 2026, followed by the third phase on January 25, 2026.

Afterward, state power will be transferred to the political party that wins the election, and the military will return to performing only national defense duties, according to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.

Colonel Khun Okkar explained to CNI News that depending on the laws enacted by the new parliament after the election and the policies implemented by the future government, a situation may develop in which political dialogue and coordinated negotiations once again take place.

Political party representatives and leaders of armed groups seen together

He said: “Whatever happens after the election — whether it’s the circumstances created from Naypyidaw, or the developments being formed outside, or the position of the NUG — if we look at all of them, depending on the laws that will be enacted by the parliament formed after the election and the laws that will be implemented by the government, a culture of dialogue may emerge. During U Thein Sein’s era, we first began to see the culture of dialogue.We carried it forward into Daw Suu’s administration, and for over ten years we experienced a culture of dialogue.Within that culture of dialogue, peace architects began to emerge — those who develop the framework for building peace.When all dialogues were directed toward peace, peace architecture became visible.Therefore, I think that within a new political landscape, new policies and new approaches can be introduced, even though the people involved may be the same individuals.Once those policies are introduced, we need to watch carefully.If we can observe until around mid-2026, we will be able to say what direction things might take.At the moment, it’s still a little early.”

Political parties and analysts say that the new government formed after the election will need to be flexible, decisive and take strong action to pursue long-lasting peace.

They point out that in the political landscape emerging after the election, peace should be prioritized, because without peace, no matter how much development is attempted, it will not succeed.

USDP Chair U Khin Yi and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seen together

Daw Nan Khin Aye Oo, Chair of the Karen People’s Party (KPP), told CNI News: “The current administration intends to continue working toward peace.But it’s hard to say how the other side will respond.Considering the present situation, there is not much to be optimistic about.However, the responsibility of the incoming government is to strive for achieving peace — without peace, development will not work no matter what.We need to work toward peace.How many groups will participate depends on how much trust those groups have in the new government.I think it won’t happen quickly — it will have to be built step by step.”

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Chair of the National Defence and Security Council, has said that state power will be transferred to the political party that wins the election.

Military and political analysts say that in the upcoming election, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is expected to win the most constituencies and form the government, and that the military may take the lead in forming the new administration.

CNI News

30 December 2025

In Mon, Rakhine, and Karen States, ethnic political parties appear to have shown strength in the Phase (1) election results, while there are also areas where the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) performed strongly, party officials told CNI News.

In Rakhine State, where elections were held in three townships, the USDP is leading in Sittwe Township, while the Arakan Front Party (AFP) is leading in Mrauk-U Township, AFP Chairman Dr. Aye Maung told CNI News.

He said, "Generally, in Sittwe, the USDP is leading. In Manaung, our AFP is leading. In Kyaukphyu, AFP is leading in both the Amyotha luttaw and the Pyithu Hluttaw. However, the USDP has received a lot of advance votes there. That could allow them to change the election result like in Sittwe."

In Karen State, where elections were held in three townships, although the USDP, Karen National Democratic Party (KNDP), and Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party all have significant support, the USDP currently leads with the most votes, while the KNDP is in second place, KNDP Chairman Mann Aung Pyi Sone told CNI News.

Voters casting ballots

He added that this outcome was expected in advance.

Mann Aung Pyi Sone said, "We had already expected the results to be like this. Because our parties are small. Also, due to the limited campaigning time, our outreach wasn’t as strong. So when competing with the major parties, expectations were naturally low. In our state, we also have the PPP and the Kyarr Phyu Party competing. They are nationwide parties, but they didn’t get many votes — only about two digits. In Karen State, our Karen ethnic parties — KNDP, Phalon-Sawaw, and USDP — are the three main competitors. But overall, the USDP won by a small margin."

In Mon State, where five townships took part in Phase (1), the Mon Unity Party (MUP) is currently leading in both Amyotha and Pyithu Hluttaw seats in Chaungzon Township. The results for other townships are not yet known, party spokesperson Naing Than Shwe told CNI News.

He said that since polling stations could not open in some villages in these five townships, the MUP could not compete effectively in areas where it is usually strong.

Voters casting ballots

Naing Than Shwe said, "In Phase (1), all constituencies in Chaungzon Township were included, and polling stations in Chaungzon and Mawlamyine were fully open. However, polling stations could not open in some villages in Kyaikmaraw Township. Without those polling stations, we couldn’t compete in our strong areas."

The Phase (1) multi-party democratic general election, held on December 28, 2025, took place in a total of 102 townships. Party officials from Mon, Rakhine, and Karen States said voter turnout in these states was satisfactory.

Current nationwide election results show that the USDP is leading with the highest number of votes nationwide.

CNI News

30 December 2025

In Myanmar, Section 261 of the 2008 Constitution grants the President the authority to directly appoint Chief Ministers of Regions and States. Political parties are pointing out how this situation should be relaxed in order to build a democratic and federal Union.

U Naing Than Shwe, spokesperson of the Mon Unity Party (MUP), told the CNI news agency that if the President appoints the Chief Ministers and the regional/state assembly only confirms them, that situation amounts to centralization of power.

He said “We’ve talked about amending the law regarding the appointment of Chief Ministers. But amendments can only happen once the matter reaches Hluttaw. In practice, amendments can only be made through the parliamentary process — submitting motions and following the necessary procedures. Direct appointment by the President leads to increased centralization. If Chief Ministers were to be elected by the regional/state parliaments, that would be much closer to federalism. If the President appoints while the parliament merely confirms, that is still centralization. It depends on the policies of the ruling President. Under Sections 261 and 262, the President selects and appoints Chief Ministers, and then the parliament confirms them. If the President softens his stance and says, ‘I will appoint the Chief Minister chosen by your parliament,’ then it depends on the President’s approval. How will the law be amended in parliament? And even if the President agrees, obstacles may still arise.”

NSPNC delegation seen during a meeting

Ethnic political parties and politicians are currently highlighting the need to amend Section 261, which grants the President direct authority to appoint Chief Ministers of Regions and States.

During the administration of President Thein Sein, led by the USDP, the NLD discussed amending Article 261, but the military and USDP objected. Later, under the government led by the NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the USDP and the military supported amending Article 261, but this time the NLD opposed it.

Dr. Aye Maung, Chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), told CNI News that it is difficult to claim that the President’s direct appointment of Chief Ministers is democratic or federal in nature.

He said “Federalism relates to autonomy — having self-governing powers and the authority to make one’s own decisions. In a democratic process, people would accept a Chief Minister nominated by the majority of representatives elected by the people of that state or region. 
Ideally, the most correct approach is where the people directly elect the Chief Minister of their State or Region. That is direct democracy. If that is not possible, then the parliament — elected representatives — should select a person, and the President simply confirms that nomination. That is more federal. But if the President directly selects and appoints the Chief Minister, it is hard to say that it is democratic or federal.”

Myanmar has 14 Regions and States, and according to Section 261 of the 2008 Constitution, the President has the authority to directly select and appoint the 14 Chief Ministers.

political parties’ working committee

This provision contradicts the desire of ethnic political parties and ethnic communities who want the Chief Minister to be appointed from the party that wins the majority in their respective regions. It also does not provide guarantees for equality and the establishment of a federal union.

Chairman U Ko Ko Gyi of the People’s Party (PP) told CNI News that discussions on amending Section 261 were confidential and that only once a new parliament emerges will constitutional amendment processes begin, depending on how the President decides.

He said “We can only speak in general terms. Because the agreed points are confidential, we cannot disclose details.Once a new parliament is formed, constitutional amendment procedures can begin. For now, we see that the existing law will continue to be applied. It depends on how the President thinks and decides.”

Discussions on amending Section 261 have taken place between the military’s National Solidarity and Peace-making Negotiation Committee (NSPNC) and political parties. However, both sides have kept the details confidential, and it is not known whether the military agrees or disagrees with amending Section 261.

Those close to the military and political parties say that if the next government emerging from the military-led election truly wants a federal Union, it should ease the President’s authority to appoint Chief Ministers in the States and Regions — even if Section 261 is not formally amended.

CNI News

28 December 2025

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin, founder of the Yangon Watch group, told CNI News that despite the existence of child protection laws in Myanmar, children are being exploited and forced into labor due to the negligence of the authorities.

Common practices include renting toddlers for a day and drugging them with sleeping pills mixed in milk to use them for begging, parents themselves forcing their children to beg, and organized gangs coordinating groups of children for begging activities.

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin stated that authorities should thoroughly investigate the children currently begging on the streets. She emphasized that the Department of Social Welfare and the General Administration Department (GAD) are responsible for taking action against child abuse.

She explained: "In reality, even if a parliament has not yet been formed, the City Development Committee in Yangon and the Department of Social Welfare in rural areas—along with the GAD—must take responsibility for this issue. Once a parliament is formed, parliamentary committees should draft special plans and work with township representatives to conduct thorough investigations in areas with high concentrations of child beggars. Exploiting children like this is a blatant violation of the law. It is human trafficking and child abuse. Action can be taken under both the Child Law and the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law. The laws already exist; these issues persist because the administrative authorities are neglecting to enforce them. Anyone who sees this should report it. Authorities should then investigate immediately and send the child to social welfare departments if necessary, while exposing those exploiting them. Currently, I don’t even know what the women’s affairs organizations are doing."

Myanmar enacted the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law on September 13, 2005. Legal experts point out that according to the United Nations definition of human trafficking, the current forced begging of children in Yangon constitutes a crime of human trafficking.

Children seen

Dr. Nyo Nyo Thin added that child abuse is a priority issue that must be addressed regardless of whether a parliament is in session, and it should not require a direct order from Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to begin work.

She continued: "There is a market for renting children, and the public knows it. We have to question why the officials responsible for taking action do not know or why they are ignoring it. These are tasks that must be done even without a parliament. This isn't something that the Ministry of Social Welfare or Women’s Affairs organizations should only start doing because Senior General Min Aung Hlaing tells them to 'go do it.' The Ministry of Social Welfare, women's groups, and township administration teams are duty-bound to act. The public should also pressure township authorities—report it via phone or post on their official social media pages when you see children in these situations."

Legal Context: Section 66, Sub-section (c) of the Child Law stipulates that: Forcing a child to beg for one's own benefit; Failing to prevent a child under one's guardianship from begging; Using a child in any way while begging; ...is punishable by up to 2 years in prison, a fine of up to 10,000 Kyats, or both.

Civil society organizations working with street children also pointed out that there should be widespread awareness campaigns to inform parents who force their children to beg that they could face these legal penalties.

CNI News

28 December 2025

Dr. Aung Naing Oo, a veteran Mon politician, told CNI News that the current system in Myanmar—where the central government maintains primary control over the administration of Regions and States and merely redistributes power—is a contradiction of the federal system.

He noted that the main issue is the lack of authority for Regions and States to elect their own Chief Ministers through their own local processes; instead, a system where the President and the Union Government make the selection is being practiced.

Dr. Aung Naing Oo said: "Another point is the legislative power. For example, regarding education and health, Naypyidaw (the central government) holds almost all the authority. It is a system centered at the top. Furthermore, ethnic literature matters, which should fall under the right to self-determination, cannot be implemented extensively. Then there are sectors like electricity production and trade—States do not have much authority to manage these yet. All of these are structured in a way that only the Union Government has the power to act. To put it simply, the central government has taken too much authority. This is a barrier to federalism and needs to be reformed. Another issue is fiscal distribution. We need reforms in how budget and natural resources are shared. Currently, almost all collected taxes are sent to the Union Government. Then, the Union redistributes it, deciding how much to give to which Region or State. Basically, this is a system where the Union central government holds the reins and merely doles out power. This is still the opposite of federalism. These things will need to be changed."

Some ethnic groups seen

A Federal Union system is a political administrative system where ethnic groups and ethnic people's representatives organize and govern together.

In a federal system, the constitution serves as an arrangement to share power between the central government and the regional/state governments. In this sharing of power, the territories (Regions and States) that make up the federal nation are constitutionally guaranteed a high degree of self-decision-making in certain policy areas, while in other policy areas, they are designed to exercise power together according to agreed-upon principles.

Therefore, a federal system means a combination of "Self-Rule" for parts of the country and "Shared Rule" for the union as a whole.

Dr. Aung Naing Oo further explained to CNI News that even when ethnic political parties win a landslide victory in their respective states, they cannot bypass the control of the central government because the central government chooses and forms the state governments.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Saw Mutu Say Phoe, former chairman of the KNU

He said: "If this keeps up, the hopes and expectations of ethnic people could grow significantly. For example, look at Mon State or Rakhine State. Even if a Mon-based party wins the majority of seats in parliament through an official election, they cannot yet form a state government. This is because the central government chooses the Chief Minister, so there is nothing they can do. It was the same in Rakhine. Between the 2015 and 2020 terms, Rakhine parties won the majority in the Rakhine State Parliament. But they couldn't form the government. During that period, the Union President selected a Chief Minister for Rakhine State from among the representatives. So, no matter how much you win in your State or Region, you only get seats as government members. No matter how much you struggle and try, it's a situation where you cannot escape the control of the central government."

On the other hand, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing stated during the graduation ceremony of the 26th Intake of the Defense Services Technological Academy (DSTA) on December 10, 2025, that the survival of a multi-party democratic system is crucial for the emergence of a Union based on democracy and federalism.

He mentioned that in building a Union based on democracy and federalism, it is important not to copy the models of other countries but to implement a democratic and federal system that is suited to Myanmar.

CNI News

27 December 2025

Residents in Momauk Township, Kachin State, report that the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is forcibly imposing Kachin cultural and administrative identity on local Shanni ethnic villages.

In villages such as Khon Sint, Tar Sai, Myothit, Man Nawng, Hintha, Si Hut, Kon Law, and Tharli, the KIA has reportedly replaced the standard school curriculum with its own. Changes include appointing Kachin teachers, requiring students to wear Kachin traditional dress (white tops with Kachin sarongs/longyis) instead of standard uniforms, and constructing Christian religious schools where children are required to attend church.

Locals further claim that morning Buddhist prayers in schools have been banned. Traditional Shanni festivals and Buddhist holidays are reportedly prohibited, while only Christmas is allowed to be celebrated. Furthermore, national holidays such as Martyrs' Day, Independence Day, and Resistance Day have been banned in favor of KIA and Kachin-specific commemorative days.

A local resident from Momauk Township stated:

"They appointed a Kachin woman as the school principal. If a school previously had 30 teachers, they replaced 15 of them with Kachin individuals. We are now forced to study the curriculum provided by the KIA. Regarding festivals, only KIA and Kachin holidays are permitted. They celebrate the KIA’s Martyrs' Day, but we are forbidden from observing the National Martyrs' Day or Independence Day. It is a process of 'Kachinization.' Some villages are even having their names changed to Kachin names. In some villages where there were previously no Kachin households, Kachin people have moved in and settled since the KIA took over administration. They are shaping these into Kachin villages and gradually erasing our Shanni traditions."

The KIA captured Momauk Township in August 2024 and currently maintains administrative control over the area.

Following the takeover, KIA civil administrative teams arrived in villages like Khon Sint, Tar Sai, Myothit, Man Nawng, Hintha, Si Hut, Kon Law, and Tharli to implement the KIA’s administrative, educational, and cultural systems.

CNI News attempted to contact KIA spokesperson Colonel Naw Bu regarding these allegations, but no response has been received yet.

Currently, the KIA is expanding its controlled territory by capturing towns in Kachin State, Sagaing Region, and Northern Shan State. Additionally, it is providing arms and ammunition to other armed groups across various regions and states in an effort to overthrow the Myanmar military.

CNI News

27 December 2025

Election observation teams from Russia, China, and India arrived in Yangon on December 26, 2025, to monitor the upcoming general elections in Myanmar.

Phase (1) of the Myanmar general election is scheduled to be held on December 28, 2025, across 102 townships.

The following high-level representatives and their teams arrived to observe the proceedings:

Russia: Mr. Kara-ool Sholban, Deputy Chairman of the State Duma. China: Mr. Deng Xijun, Special Envoy. India: Mr. Sahni Arun Kumar, Former Army Commander. Kazakhstan: Mr. Yerman Mukhtar, Deputy Chairman of the Commission. Cambodia: H.E. Mr. YICH Samethy, Member of the National Election Committee (NEC). Vietnam: Mr. Nguyen Duc Thinh. 

CNI News

27 December 2025

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), a signatory of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), told CNI News that the formation of the Spring Revolution Alliance (SRA) appears to be focused solely on military cooperation, lacking political collaboration.

From November 21 to 23, 2025, a three-day "Spring Alliance Formation Convention" was held, where the SRA was established with 19 member organizations.

Colonel Khun Okkar noted that political principles play a crucial role in forming an alliance. He stated that the current Spring Alliance seems to be a military-only cooperation, which could potentially weaken its position.

Members of the Spring Revolution Alliance seen

He explained:"In forming an alliance, political principles—a Common Ground—are essential. I believe the Common Ground must be solid. Only when the Common Ground and political principles are strong will the unification be effective and 'alive.' What I've heard is that the Spring Revolution Alliance lacks a political Common Ground. It sounds like they will only coordinate on military actions and cooperate only on the military front. I think that is a bit weak because politics is very fundamental. Furthermore, organizations with a Political Mandate need to be involved substantially. By holding a Political Mandate, the organization gains Legitimacy. Otherwise, managing divisions and fulfilling requirements—especially logistics—becomes difficult. If groups just gather without preparing logistics, from food to arms and ammunition, the formation might only exist on paper. To reach an effective level, a more compact, practical, and feasible formation would be better."

On the other hand, Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, an analyst of China-Myanmar affairs, told CNI News that the purpose of forming the Spring Revolution Alliance is to attack the military strategically and collectively, rather than operating as separate individual groups.

Members of the Spring Revolution Alliance seen

She said:"These groups were scattered. When they are scattered, it’s difficult. I’ve heard comrades say it’s like 'each village has its own style.' If they are organized, they will become a disciplined army. Additionally, instead of attacking the military junta as individual groups in separate locations, they aim to fight strategically and collectively. I think that is their goal, and it is a good thing. When many people come together, there will be diverse views and certainly more conflicts. However, through those conflicts, they will learn the art of negotiation and compromise. In this way, strategies, methods, and positions targeted specifically at the military junta will emerge. I personally like this move."

The 19 member organizations of the Spring Revolution Alliance (SRA) are: Kalay Revolutionary Force (KRF)၊ Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF)၊ Chin Brotherhood (CB)၊ Sagaing People’s Defense Army (Sagaing PDF)၊ Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA)၊ Bamar Army (BA)၊ 96 Soldiers PDF၊ Bamar Liberation Democratic Front (BLDF)၊ 
Danu People's Liberation Army (DPLF)၊ Force for Federal Democracy (FFD)၊ Generation Z Army (GZA)၊ Magway People's Defense Army (Magway PDF)၊ Mon State Revolutionary Force (MSRF)၊ National Liberation Army (NLA)၊ People's Liberation Army (PLA)၊ Pa-O National Defence Force (Kham Kaung) / Pa-O People's Defence Force (Kham Daung)၊ Student Armed Force (SAF)၊ Yaw Army (YA)၊ Yaw Defense Force (YDF).

These 19 groups are currently engaged in an armed struggle to overthrow the Myanmar military(Tatmadaw).

CNI News

26 December 2025

The emergence of reports regarding a secret agreement between India and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) may be intended to incite a tripartite conflict between India, Myanmar, and China; however, it is unlikely that India would allow the situation to reach that stage, Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, a China-Myanmar affairs analyst, told CNI News. She added that such reports could also be aimed at creating friction between the KIA and China.

The US-based Silicon Valley Times reported that a special investigation uncovered a secret agreement signed between India and the KIA in Myanmar. This agreement reportedly involves strategic cooperation for rare earth mineral extraction at a time when Myanmar’s sovereignty is being undermined.

Regarding this, Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw explained to CNI that rare earth minerals cannot be used immediately after extraction; they require complex processing, a stage currently dominated by China.

"Actually, rare earths exist in other countries too, like the US, but they don't process them due to environmental impacts. China takes those risks and uses its processing capability as a trump card. I think this news is being spread to disturb the KIA. Some want to replace China with India in the rare earth trade between China and the KIA. To my knowledge, the KIA sells almost all of its rare earth to China, and only Chinese companies are operating there. So, this news might be aimed at creating conflict between China and the KIA," she said.

KIA and rare earth minerals seen

She further noted, "What they might not realize is that India and China are currently on quite good terms. They are even considering joint strategic cooperation. Therefore, I don't think India would do anything to trigger a conflict with either the Myanmar government or China. There might be discussions at the corporate level, or perhaps through joint ventures between Indian and Chinese companies, but I doubt it is happening at the state level."

Colonel Naw Bu, the spokesperson for the KIO's central information department, has denied the reports, stating that the news of a secret agreement between the KIA and the Indian government is false. However, political and military observers pointed out that it is not surprising for both parties to deny such claims, as admitting to a secret pact could be seen as a sign of political weakness.

In contrast, the Silicon Valley Times claimed that satellite imagery and cross-border intelligence confirmed the construction of a 365-km road from Vijaynagar in India’s Arunachal Pradesh to rare earth mines in Chipwi, Kachin State. This road, allegedly built without the permission of the Myanmar government or the military, would allow India access to Myanmar’s rare earth resources in exchange for providing weapons, medicine, and other logistics to the KIA. The partnership reportedly also includes a secret plan to build a second strategic road connecting the KIA headquarters in Laiza to Rihkhawdar in Chin State, passing through the Sagaing Region.

Indian Ambassador and General Kyaw Swar Kin, Chief of the General Staff (Army, Navy and Air)

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI that while there are communications between India and the KIA, a secret agreement remains unconfirmed.

"They do have communications. I'm not sure if a secret agreement has been reached. The KIA has long had a department called 'Rawka I' for Indian affairs and 'Rawka T' for Thailand. It’s possible that negotiations are being conducted through Rawka I," he said.

Following the reports of the secret pact, the Indian Ambassador to Myanmar, Mr. Abhay Thakur, met with General Kyaw Swar Lin, Chief of the General Staff (Army, Navy, and Air), on December 15, 2025. During the meeting, they discussed enhancing cooperation between the two militaries to ensure border security, stability, and the rule of law.