CNI News

April 23, 2026

Military and political analysts are evaluating how the new government, led by President U Min Aung Hlaing, will approach and implement the peace process amidst ongoing armed conflicts.

On April 11, 2026, the government announced the reconstitution of the National Solidarity and Peacemaking Central Committee (NSPCC), the National Solidarity and Peacemaking Working Committee (NSPWC), and the National Solidarity and Peacemaking Negotiation Committee (NSPNC).

Analysts have raised questions regarding the absence of the parliamentary sector in these committees, wondering if this implies that the parliament is no longer considered relevant to peace affairs.

One political analyst told CNI News that while the role of parliament is technically essential because constitutional amendments must be made there, the current parliamentary structure suggests that as long as the Military and the USDP party agree, things move forward. This might be why they feel parliamentary representatives are not strictly necessary in the initial committees.

"In theory, once peace is negotiated, the agreed points must be submitted to parliament to amend the constitution. Therefore, it is necessary to include parliamentary representatives or members of parliamentary peace committees so they can report on progress and agreements. Only then can the parliament—which includes the winning party, ethnic political parties, and military representatives—successfully amend the constitution. However, realistically speaking, under the current structure, if the leaders of the USDP and the Military agree, the representatives will follow orders to support or oppose, regardless of their detailed understanding. They aren't attending NCA discussions or being invited. According to the NCA, constitutional reform is part of the bilateral agreement, so while parliamentary involvement is theoretically vital, the current reality is a 'show of hands' parliament," the analyst said.

Observers at the NCA anniversary ceremony.

Colonel Saw Kyaw Nyunt, spokesperson for the 7 EAO Alliance, told CNI News that the Military's influence and involvement are likely to persist in the current political landscape, and many challenges remain for the peace process.

"Many people point out that during the previous NCA implementation period, many military leaders were involved. Back then, under the NUCC framework, we were able to organize systematically. Now, the Military's dominance remains. We must meet face-to-face, engage in trade-offs, and build trust to create a framework that aligns with everyone's views. I see that there are still many processes left to do. The challenges are immense, primarily due to the country's instability. Even when the NCA wasn't signed in the past, many ethnic areas didn't have active warfare. This situation is very different. Implementing a peace process under such widespread armed conflict requires much effort. International support will also be key," he stated.

Currently, intense fighting continues between the Myanmar Military and various armed forces, stalling peace efforts. Myanmar’s civil war has persisted since gaining independence on January 4, 1948. Analysts point out that the government and armed groups should negotiate repeatedly and firmly rebuild mutual trust.

U Thein Tun Oo, Director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, told CNI News that the results and the momentum of the peace process are more important than who specifically is involved.

Engaging in peace talks at the NCA anniversary ceremony.

"In building peace, it’s not about who must be there, but how far we can move along the path toward peace. Whether military-led or civilian-led, if there are no results, it’s in vain. We need to see if this new organization can deliver. During the NLD's term, there was a civilian chair, but did those peace movements succeed? The main thing is the result. There have been many invitations and meetings recently, but not as many results as expected. If the current government can follow the momentum of the peace process seen during U Thein Sein’s era, there might be a result," he said.

Analysts also highlight that the peace process will not work unless the root causes of the conflict—such as political convictions, historical backgrounds, and ideological disputes—are taken into account.

Currently, the government led by President U Min Aung Hlaing issued an invitation on April 21, 2026, to both NCA-signatory and non-signatory armed groups to engage in peace talks.

CNI News

April 23, 2026

The new government led by President U Min Aung Hlaing will face numerous multi-faceted crises. Among them, the Kachin, Rakhine, and Karen regions pose the greatest difficulties, political analyst Dr. An Kaw La told CNI News.

He noted that resolving political conflicts and establishing peace with the armed organizations in these three regions is a significant challenge for the new administration. He believes the government must strive intensely to reach a resolution within the next two years.

"In my view, there are three regions. It’s hard to say which one is the biggest difficulty right now because all three are simultaneously important," Dr. An Kaw La said. "First is the point of negotiation with the KIA/KIO in Kachin State, Northern Myanmar. Second is Rakhine, which is also very important as it opens up the entire western maritime front. Third is Tanintharyi in Southern Myanmar. In Tanintharyi, the Win Wa battles were significant recently; reports suggest the Union Government has been able to retake that area. Tanintharyi is close to the Malacca Strait trade route and is where the Dawei Deep Sea Port project is to be implemented—it’s a strategic location for Myanmar. KNU Brigade 4 has been dominant there, so we must be very cautious, especially regarding the KNU. Now, the Myawaddy routes have opened, and trade routes need to be operational. On the other side, the Muse-Mandalay route in the northeast needs to open as well. The new government is striving hard for these. Simultaneously, how to handle peace issues and political conflicts in these three areas is a real challenge. I see that they must try very hard to reach a resolution within two years."

Some leaders of the KIA and the DKBA.

Currently, the government cabinet mostly consists of former top officials from the previous five-year term. Rakhine and Kachin ethnicities have been given leadership roles in the parliament, and a Karen individual has been appointed as Vice President.

The Kachin, Rakhine, and Karen ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) are groups that have grown stronger amidst the political changes following 2021 and have been conducting military operations in cooperation with "Spring Revolution" forces.

Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), a signatory of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), told CNI News that if the government can provide public welfare, rehabilitation, peace, and stability, other problems will become much easier to solve.

AA leader General Tun Myat Naing.

"It’s all regions. From Kachin to Rakhine, Chin, Karenni, and Karen—all regions currently in conflict have major problems. It's not that one is bigger or smaller than the other," he said. "The Kachin issue exists, but Kachin is politically savvy and flexible; I think it can be resolved. Especially the Karenni and KNU issues in the south, and the Tanintharyi Region issue where various armed groups are fighting. These are the problems the new government will face in the coming five years. Therefore, if they can create peace and stability and provide for the basic welfare and rehabilitation of the grassroots people, resolving the remaining issues will be a bit easier. There are many citizens who are not combatants. If the suffering of the majority can be addressed, I believe it will be much easier to solve the problems I mentioned. That is what I would like to suggest."

On April 20, 2026, President U Min Aung Hlaing issued an invitation to all PDFs, NCA-signatory EAOs, and non-signatory groups to meet and discuss peace within a 100-day period—from April 20 to July 31.

Military and political analysts point out that while there are hundreds of armed groups in Myanmar post-2021, if peace can be achieved with the three main Kachin, Rakhine, and Karen armed groups, it will simplify the path to resolving the wider armed conflict.

CNI News
April 22, 2026

President U Min Aung Hlaing issued a statement on April 22, 2026, appointing Union Minister U Tin Aung San as the National Security Advisor.

U Tin Aung San also currently serves as the Minister for the Office of the Union Government within the Union Government Cabinet.

The appointment aims to provide the President and the Office of the President with multi-faceted research, analysis, and recommendations regarding national security matters.

CNI News

April 22, 2026

It is reported that Mr. Sihasak, Thailand’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, arrived at Nay Pyi Taw Airport via a special flight on the evening of April 21, 2026.

Following his arrival, he is scheduled to meet and hold discussions with President U Min Aung Hlaing.

Mr. Sihasak’s visit to Myanmar is taking place from April 21 to April 22.

In a related development, Chinese Foreign Minister Mr. Wang Yi is also expected to visit Myanmar in the coming days to meet with President U Min Aung Hlaing.

CNI News

April 22, 2026

Political analysts and diplomats are closely observing whether the upcoming visit of Thailand’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Sihasak, to Myanmar can end the country’s isolation and facilitate its reintegration into ASEAN.

President U Min Aung Hlaing stated during the first regular session of the Third Union Parliament (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) on April 10, 2026, that as Myanmar is an ASEAN member state, it will strive to restore regular relations with the bloc. 

Mr. Sihasak is scheduled to arrive in Myanmar on April 22, 2026, and is expected to meet with President U Min Aung Hlaing. This will be the first visit by an ASEAN member state official to the new government following the elections in Myanmar.

A political analyst told CNI News that the stance of neighboring Thailand is crucial for improving relations between Myanmar and ASEAN. He suggested that progress is possible if the government implements ASEAN’s consensus agreements.

The vacant Myanmar seat at an ASEAN meeting.

"It depends on the decisions of the respective governments and how Myanmar responds. If Thailand is satisfied with the response, they will report back to their government. If the Thai government recognizes [the new administration], other countries might follow suit. Currently, most countries are reluctant to recognize the elections or the appointment of Min Aung Hlaing as President; only a minority holds a more flexible view. Thailand acts as a neutral and influential mediator, making its stance vital," the analyst said.

He further noted that while U Min Aung Hlaing agreed to the ASEAN 5-Point Consensus, ASEAN has been dissatisfied with the lack of implementation. "Myanmar’s response is critical. If there is hope in the response, and if Thailand leads with recognition, others may follow."

President U Min Aung Hlaing is also scheduled to visit China and meet with President Xi Jinping. The analyst added that the response to the Thai diplomat is even more significant because it occurs before the China trip.

"China also wishes to see Myanmar reintegrate into ASEAN. If Myanmar remains distanced or antagonistic toward ASEAN, China likely won't be pleased. China is pushing for reconciliation with neighbors and peaceful dialogue to resolve internal conflicts. Therefore, this meeting before the China trip must be handled with care."

President U Min Aung Hlaing with the Thai delegation seen

U Thein Tun Oo, Director of the Strategic Studies Group, told CNI News that Mr. Sihasak's visit might focus more on Thai-Myanmar bilateral cooperation than on ASEAN-Myanmar relations.

Key Areas of Focus: Border security and the resumption of trade.

Historical Ties: The two nations share deep historical links and essential operational tasks that require coordination.

ASEAN Context: U Thein Tun Oo noted that Myanmar is following its own path according to the original ASEAN Charter. He pointed out a divide within ASEAN between mainland Southeast Asian nations and archipelagic nations regarding the Myanmar issue.

"If the ASEAN community accepts Myanmar’s existence and desires a collaborative solution, they will eventually have to re-accept Myanmar," he stated.

Following the events of February 1, 2021, and the subsequent declaration of a state of emergency, ASEAN intervened in the Myanmar crisis and excluded Myanmar's military leadership from its summits.

Currently, stakeholders are watching whether the post-election government can restore ties with the bloc. Simultaneously, preparations are underway to reopen the Asian Highway and resume border trade between Thailand and Myanmar, which has been stalled for a significant period.

CNI News

April 21, 2026

Military and political observers are analyzing the potential attitudes of Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and revolutionary groups toward the peace invitation issued by the government led by President U Min Aung Hlaing, which spans from April 20 to July 31, 2026.

During a Union Government meeting on April 20, 2026, President U Min Aung Hlaing delivered a speech outlining tasks to be undertaken within a "100-day plan." Within this 100-day window (April 20 to July 31), he invited People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), EAOs that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), and non-signatory groups to meet for peace talks.

U Khun Sai, an active participant in the peace process, told CNI News that during the initial implementation of the NCA under President U Thein Sein’s administration, negotiations were extremely difficult. He suggested that peace talks are more likely to succeed if negotiators travel to the locations where the armed groups are based.

 Leaders of armed organizations seen together.

"President U Thein Sein issued a declaration about four months after taking office. On August 18, 2011, he invited Myanmar citizens abroad to return and help develop the country, and called on all revolutionary organizations to discuss peace. But no one came. Those they did meet with were groups that already had existing ceasefire agreements, like the 'Wa', Kokang, Mongla, and DKBA. However, not a single group actively engaged in armed revolution showed up; they simply didn't trust the offer. Consequently, in October, U Aung Min and U Soe Thein were tasked with traveling to the Thai border to negotiate. Even then, they were unsuccessful until U Harn Yawnghwe assisted through the National Reconciliation Program, as he had connections with all EAOs. Only then, in November, did five EAOs agree to talk. If it was that difficult under U Thein Sein, I think it will be even harder in the current situation. Because of these difficulties, it is unlikely EAOs will come if they are told 'come to where I am.' It is much more likely to happen if the government goes to where they are, though it will require even more effort than U Aung Min and U Soe Thein exerted," U Khun Sai said.

President U Min Aung Hlaing stated that he is inviting groups that have not yet engaged in dialogue to do so by the July 31 deadline. He emphasized that the government desires peace, noting that national development is impossible without stability and tranquility.

Dr. Hla Kyaw Zaw, an observer of China-Myanmar affairs, suggested to CNI News that this 100-day peace invitation might be a strategic move to secure an invitation for Myanmar to attend next month’s ASEAN summit.

 During the ceremony marking the anniversary of the NCA.

"There might be things he was pressured to do from the start, perhaps pressure from China or ASEAN. Currently, it’s possible this is being done to get invited to the ASEAN meeting next month. It’s like setting off fireworks to be noticed and invited. But how can this succeed? Consider whether it’s possible to end a 70-year-old civil war in just 100 days. If no one else could achieve it in a lifetime, could he?" she remarked.

The NCA was originally signed on October 15, 2015, by the Karen National Union (KNU), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), KNU/KNLA-PC, Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), Chin National Front (CNF), and Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO). On February 13, 2018, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) also signed.

Currently, the KNU, CNF, and ABSDF have effectively withdrawn from the NCA and are in active combat with the Myanmar military. Furthermore, groups like the ALP, PNLO, LDU, and NMSP have split into internal factions.

Questions remain regarding which peace track will be used for the KIA, SSPP, UWSA, KNPP, NDAA, AA, TNLA, MNDAA, SNA, NSCN, and the new armed groups that emerged after February 1, 2021.

CNI News

22 April 2026

The peace invitation extended within the first 100 days of the new government should prioritize ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), Colonel Khun Okkar, Chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO-NCA/S), told CNI News.

On April 20, 2026, President U Min Aung Hlaing issued an invitation for both NCA-signatory and non-signatory EAOs to engage in peace talks by a deadline of July 31. He specifically mentioned inviting groups like the KNU, CNF, and ABSDF, who have signed the NCA but have not met for talks in over five years.

Regarding the negotiation process, Colonel Khun Okkar suggested that the government must decide whether to prioritize those who withdrew from the NCA or those who have consistently remained on the NCA path.

"As far as I know, formal invitations haven't been sent yet. The 100-day plan has only been presented in principle. There are no specific directives for practical implementation yet, so we can't say they’ve been officially invited. We have to wait and see how the invitation process is carried out," Colonel Khun Okkar said.

President U Min Aung Hlaing

He continued, "Will they first invite the three groups that left the NCA—the CNF, KNU, and ABSDF? They were part of the NCA but later withdrew. However, priority should definitely be given to the groups currently following the NCA path. Based on the experience of the last three or four years, NCA-signatory groups haven't received significant support, recognition, or access to international aid. Now that the government led by the President is officially in place, they need to support and encourage NCA signatories more to strengthen the NCA path. This is my suggestion to elevate the government's stance on the NCA."

Meanwhile, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Karen National Union (KNU), Chin National Front (CNF), and Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP)—all currently in active conflict with the Myanmar military—have joined forces with the National Unity Government (NUG). On March 30, they formed the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF).

The political objectives of the SCEF include: Eliminating the military dictatorship. 

Ending military involvement in politics. Placing all armed forces under civilian government control. Abolishing the 2008 Constitution.

Drafting a new constitution based on federalism and democracy.  Building a new Union in accordance with the new constitution. Establishing justice processes for victims of conflict.

President U Min Aung Hlaing stated that it would be a mistake if organizations only focus on their own survival by demanding impossible terms during peace negotiations.

Political analyst U Htet Aung Kyaw told CNI that it might be better to focus on matters that can achieve rapid success rather than long-term peace goals within a 100-day framework.

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing meeting with some leaders of non-signatory armed groups

"If armed groups don't come to the peace talks within these 100 days, the government will have to keep inviting and negotiating. They are our own citizens. No matter which government is in power, if groups don't come, you have to find a way to bring them in. The government needs to consider how to build high enough trust—without restrictions—to make them want to talk. They need to find a middle ground where the desires of both sides meet," U Htet Aung Kyaw said.

He added, "Placing a long-term issue like total peace into a 100-day plan makes it unlikely to succeed. Thinking that Myanmar will be peaceful within 100 days is unrealistic. Including such massive goals in a 100-day window is a bit unusual. It would be better to focus on the most achievable successes first."

The NCA was originally signed on October 15, 2015, by the KNU, RCSS, KNU/KNLA-PC, DKBA, ALP, ABSDF, CNF, and PNLO. On February 13, 2018, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) also joined.

Currently: The KNU, CNF, and ABSDF have effectively withdrawn from the NCA and are fighting the military.

Groups like the ALP, PNLO, LDU, and NMSP have split into factions.

Questions remain regarding the peace process path for other major groups (KIA, SSPP, UWSA, KNPP, NDAA, AA, TNLA, MNDAA, SNA, NSCN) and the new armed groups that emerged after February 1, 2021.

CNI News
April 21, 2026

The National Solidarity and Peacemaking Central Committee (NSPCC) issued a statement on April 21, 2026, inviting Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) to participate in peace negotiations.

In the invitation, the President-led NSPCC stated its belief that in implementing the peace process, it is essential to end armed conflicts and resolve political issues through political means.

The NSPCC’s statement further extended a formal invitation to hold free and unconditional discussions to implement peace processes necessary for national development, stability, and tranquility.

The invitation is addressed to: Armed groups that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). Armed groups that have not yet signed the NCA. Armed groups that previously signed the NCA but have since withdrawn.

CNI News

April 21, 2026

The first meeting of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) under Myanmar’s new government was held on April 21, 2026, in Nay Pyi Taw.

The meeting was attended by: President: U Min Aung Hlaing, Vice Presidents: U Nyo Saw and Daw Nan Ni Ni Aye, Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw: U Khin Yi,  Speaker of the Amyotha Hluttaw: U Aung Lin Dwe, Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services: General Ye Win Oo, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services: General Kyaw Swar Lin, Minister of Defense: General Tun Aung, Minister of Home Affairs: Lieutenant General Nyunt Win Swe, Minister of Border Affairs: Lieutenant General Phone Myat, Minister of Foreign Affairs: U Tin Maung Swe.

During the session, the council discussed several critical issues, including:  Peace Process: Matters regarding national stability and peace initiatives. Economy: General economic affairs and development. Anti-Corruption: Ensuring the integrity and elimination of corruption within the Myanmar Armed Forces, the Myanmar Police Force, and administrative officials. ASEAN Cooperation: Matters related to collaborating with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Energy Crisis: Issues surrounding the current fuel oil shortages and crises.